Monthly Archives: October 2011

Introduction to Ata Shad

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Ata Shad, renowned Balochi and Urdu poet,
playwright and researcher, was born in Singani Sar,
Kech (Turbat) in November1939.
He died in Quetta on February 13 ‘1997


1. Mahna Shad (daughter)
2. Rushna Shad (daughter)
3. Hammal Shad (son)

Date of Death: 13 February 1997 (Quetta)

Personal Information:

Original Name: Mohammad Ishaq
Pen Name: Ata Shad
Basic Education: Government High School Turbat
Matric: Government High School Panjgur, 1956
FA: Government College Turbat, 1959
BA: Government College Quetta, 1962

Fellowship in Media Management: International
Training Institute Sydney, Australia.


1. Rochgir (Collection of Balochi poetry)
2. Shap Sahar Andem (Collection of Balochi Poetry)
3. Singaab (Collection of Urdu Poetry)
4. Barfaag (Collection of Urdu Poetry)
5. Gichain Shairi ( Collection of selected works of contemporary Balochi poets)
6. Balochi Nama ( Socio-cultural Literature of Balochistan)
7. Dreen (Balochi Folk Songs with Urdu translation)
8. Urdu Balochi Lughat (Dictionary)
9. Balochi Urdu Dictionary
10. Haft Zubani Lughat(Dictionary-Editor of Balochi section
11.Jawansal ( Collection of Balochi sufi poet Ibrahim Jawansal Bugti)
12.Unpublished works both in Balochi and Urdu
13. Author of numerious Radio and TV plays


1. Balochi Academy Quetta
2. Idara-e-Saqafat-e-Balochistan Quetta
3. Pakistan National Book Council Islamabad
4. National Language Authority, Islamabad
5. Markazi Urdu Board, Lahore


1. Director General Archeology Balochistan 1996-13 Feb 1997
2. Secretary Information Balochistan 1995-Oct 1996
3. Director General Archeology, Balochistan 1993-1995
4. Secretary Information Balochistan 1993
5. Director General Archeology, Balochistan 1990-1993
6. Secretary Information Balochistan 1989-1990
7. Secretary Forest Balochistan 1988-1989
8. Secretary Information Balochistan 1986-1988
9. Director Public Relations Balochistan 1982-1986
10.Executive Director, Idara Saqafat 1973-1983
11.Director Public Relations Balochistan 1972-1973
12.Information Officer, Information Department Government of Pakistan at Dhaka 1969-1972
13.Producer and Playright, Radio Pakistan 1962-1969


Iran, Saudi Arab, USA, Australia,
Germany, Thai Land,Italy, China,
England, Denmark, Turkey,
United Arab Emarates, Oman, Singapore


1. Presidential Pride of Performance Award (1983)
2. Sitara-e-Imtiaz Award (1982)
3. Special Award form Ministery of Information and Brroadcasting (Radio)
4. Fellowship: International Traning Institute Sydney, Australia

Ata Shad’s Acedamic Researchers

1. Irfan Ahmed Baig
Ph.D on Atha Shad (Urdu)
from Allama Iqbal Open University,
Islamabad Pk

2. Shoaib Shadab
M.Phil on Ata Shad (Urdu)
from International Islamic University,
Islamabad, Pk

Ata Shad’s None Acedamic Researchers
1. Hakeem Baloch (Quetta)
2. Afzal Murad (Quetta)


1.Special Edition of Quarterly “Dastageer ” (Quetta) on Ata Shad (Urdu)
2.Special Edition of Quarterly “Chammag ” (Nasirabad kech)of Ata Shad (Baloch)
3.Special Edition of Quarterly “Qalam Qabeela” ( Quetta) of Ata Shad (Urdu)
4.Special Edition of Monthly ” Balochi Dunya” (Multan) on Ata Shad (Urdu)
5.Special Edition of Monthly “Balochi” (Quetta) on Ata Shad ( Balochi)
6.Special Edition of Monthly “Balochi Zind” (Noshki) on Ata Shad (Balochi)
7.Special Edition of Monthly “Sangat” (Quetta) on Ata Shad ( Urdu/ Balochi)


1. Ata Shad Degree College, Turbat
2. Ata Shad Academy Turbat
3. Ata Shad Autitorium, Idara-e-Saqafat-e-Balochistan, Quetta
4. Ata Shad Park, Turbat.
5. Ata Shad English Language Institute, Turbat

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Posted by on October 20, 2011 in Ata Shad


In Memoriam of Ata Shad

By: Hakeem Baloch

Thirty five years ago I wrote my first literary reportage for the monthly ULUS Balochi, with the title “Mahikan-Thai Kabr-Zimistan” (Moonlight- Your Grave- Winter). It was in fact an obituary for a fallen hero of Balochistan’s western part that became a Province of Iran when the colonial Gold Schmidt line was drawn in pursuit of the policy of ‘divide and rule.’ And that Baloch ruler could not find ‘two square yards of land’ like Mughal Emperor Bahadur Shad Zafar in the ‘valley of the beloved’. He could only find that much land for eternal rest in Panjgur on the southern bank of Rakhshan river in village Shapatan.

Now as I recapitulate the title of that reportage I am flabbergasted to feel as if I had in advance conceived this title three and half decade ago also for the obituary of my dearest friend Ata Shad who suddenly chooses to stalk on the paths of eternity on 13th February 1997. The community or the sameness of the title does not at all mean that the departed souls did have anything otherwise common except the common title of obituary in conceptuality. Ironically, it was the same year that I persuaded Ata to accompany me to Panjgur as his mother was insistingly asking to me to bring him along during the winter vacations as her ‘Ishaq’ had not visited her for two years.

On that fatal evening of 13th February when my loving daughter Shahnaz with tears in her eyes informed me: ‘Daddy! Uncle Ata Shad is gone’, the blood in my veins froze. I rushed to his residence hoping against hope that might be the news is not a bad one. Not death is the only truth. It is even certain like death. Perhaps this is the reason that death in its eternity conveys to man a feeling of immortality perpetuating a desire in him to live through the dead. All these rituals, rites recitations, prayers and offerings are imminent expressions, in various forms, of the one only desire to attain immortality through the dead.

It was a day of biting cold of a usual Zimistan (winter) with high and dry Gureech (northern) wind blowing like the west wind or Shelley, the great romantic poet of English Literature who died reciting and hoping that each winter would be heralding a spring of hopes in the society as he believed ‘when winter comes spring is not far behind’ and he was rather convinced that the fast blowing cold winds of winter spreading the pollen seeds are the main vehicle for bringing the beautiful spring with its blossoming flowers. Our Balochi romantic poet leaves us in a similar situation of blowing cold winds perhaps hoping in certitude while lyricing true to his poetic nature:
(The thunder light and torrential rains falling on the gray Bolan would grant it the greenery with blossoming flowers).

The rain did come but without lightening, it may or may not give “the Bolan” its blossoming flowery greenery but it did settle the hanging dust of atmosphere and blowing dust of the thirsty ground. Nature was not concealing her foul deformities as Milton would have been saying ‘ON THE MORNING OF CHRIST NATIVITY’.
Only with speeches fair
She woos the gentle air
To hide guilty front
With innocent snow.

Nature was gentle; it gave a touch of springiness. The sun was shining that Friday (a holy day for us the Muslims.) Surely men of piety and humanity bring good weather even in their death as a manifestation of their abundant affection which they had been giving to their fellow beings in their life time. Ata, this time, practically brought his poetic HATAM (SPRING) in the late winter of SHAL in the wake of his farewell journey. All the mourners were whispering the same sentiments.

Did Ata Shad leave us or did we leave him? No one is to blame. Logically the result is the same. Friends present on that sad occasion to mourn his death were feeling like this, as they were laying him to eternal rest in the womb of Mother Earth next to his mother in the Kasi graveyard.

Death is a rupture of relations, the Jean Paul Sartre feels about it. A man may be dead, but he continues to live in the memory of all those who have loved him or might have even hated him.

Ata was a person who gave affection to others and kept notoriety for himself, naturally no one particularly those near and dear to him could give him nothing but only love. So when we went the entire town was in tears.
(Jo gea to ek shehr deeda-e-tar that).

This is a line of his obituary that he wrote on the death of ZAB and we saw it with our own eyes having been translated into reality in the Kasi Kabristan on his burial. Tears were in our eyes at the final farewell and not his. He was the eloquent, he could have written and recited many an obituary, we could only use only our colorless tears to write his obituary and this is what exactly I am doing at the moment.

Our companionship, friendship and comradeship of 42 years, all seem to have ended so suddenly as if;

I am working by candlelight,
If flickers, it’s gone.

They say that when a person is dying many events of life flash before his mind’s eye and as I was dear to him and one of the closest friends, I must have occupied many precious seconds of his dying thoughts; or might be he was preparing himself to encounter darkness as a bride and hug it in his arms; as he seemed smiling in his eternal sleep while all around him were weeping; or might be these lines of Shakespeare were being inscribed on his mind by angel of death;

Now boast thee death, in thy possession lies
A ‘lad” unparallel.

Never mind if Shakespeare has used even ‘Lass’ but the angel and particularly that of death can be conceded this much, particularly in ease of a poet who might at the moment be arguing with Shakespeare about his dramas that we both and Aman Gichki used to steal and adopt in Balochi for Radio Pakistan. What I did with Lear and Aman with Hamlet must have made Shakespeare furious and the poor producer must be facing the music all alone for our common sins of innocent literary theft to the intellectual property of that great English poet dramatist. Alas! We can not help him as he, as usual, was in a hurry and chose to go on his own, all alone. I used to tell him, ‘Ata you were the last to join and the first to leave,’ True to his impatient poetic nature as he was; again he was the first to leave, but this time never to return.

(Courtesy: Monthly Chagerd Quetta, March 1997)

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Posted by on October 20, 2011 in Ata Shad


Balochistan home to lowest-literacy rate in Pakistan

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QUETTA, June 12(Daily Times)

Balochistan is home to the largest number of school buildings that are falling apart. It also has the least number of educational institutions, the lowest literacy rate among both males and females, the lowest ranking in the Gender Parity Index (GPI) and the smallest presence of private educational institutes in the country, according to the recently issued National Economic Survey (NES).

According to the survey, 8.6 percent out of the 10,381 educational institutions in the province are in a ‘dangerous’ condition. About 24.7 percent of these need major repairs while 36.6 percent require minor repairs. Only 30.2 percent are in satisfactory conditions.

“The total number of institutions in the country that have buildings is 216,490. Out of those, 51.6 percent are in satisfactory conditions, 26 percent need minor repairs, 17 percent need major repairs, and ‘only’ 5.7 percent are in dangerous conditions.

The highest percentage of school buildings that fall into this category are from Balochistan, said the survey.

About six percent of the schools in Balochistan do not have buildings, nine percent lack electricity, 12 percent are devoid of clean drinking water and 11 percent are without proper latrine.

The province also has the smallest number of educational institutions-10,381 against the national number of 216,490 out of which 106,435 are located in the Punjab, 46,862 in Sindh and 36,029 in the North West Frontier Province (NWFP). This, according to the NES, means that “out of the total number of institutions, 48 percent are to be found in the Punjab, 22 percent in Sindh, 17 percent in the NWFP and 5 percent in Balochistan.” With 43 percent of the total national territory and vast natural resources, Balochistan happens to be the largest province of Pakistan. But the province has the lowest literacy rate.

According to the latest NES, Balochistan’s total literacy rate is 34 percent against the national literacy rate of 52 percent-57 percent of which is for the Punjab, 50 percent for Sindh and 49 percent for the NWFP. The literacy rate among males in Balochistan is 39 percent, the lowest in the country. The Punjab has 60 percent and Sindh and the NWFP both have 54. Similarly, the literacy rate among women in Balochistan is also the worst in the country. With only 27 percent literate women, Balochistan stands poorly against the national female literacy rate of 48 percent – 53 percent for the Punjab, 42 percent for Sindh and 27 percent for the NWFP.

Balochistan also lags behind all the three provinces in the Net Enrolment Rate (NER). “The NER for primary schools was 42 percent in 2001-02, which increased significantly to 52 percent in 2005-06. Overall, both the sexes have recorded a 10 percent increase in 2005-06 as compared to 2001-02. The Punjab (57 percent) has ranked first followed by Sindh, the NWFP, and then Balochistan,” the survey stated.

Though the GPI has seen a considerable increase over time, “the smaller provinces of the NWFP and Balochistan, with a literacy GPI of 0.46 and 0.37 respectively, deserve special consideration by the decision makers and planners at both the federal and provincial levels.”

According to the survey, the GPI for GER at the primary level increased from 0.37 in 2001-02 to 0.85 in 2005-06. The NER at the primary level increased from 0.82 to 0.85 during the same period.

The latest data marks the literacy GPI for Pakistan at 0.46 with a provincial break-up of 0.67 for the Punjab, 0.89 for Sindh, 0.46 for the NWFP and 0.37 for Balochistan. Balochistan’s journey towards the attainment of a higher literacy rate from 2001-02 to 2005-06 has been embarrassingly slow as compared to the other three provinces. The Punjab has outdone all the other provinces improving its literacy rate from 47 to 57 percent. Similarly, Sindh has increased to 55 percent from 46 percent in 2001-02 and the NWFP from 38 to 46 percent.

Balochistan has proved to be the slowest with only a two percent increase in its literacy rate during the past seven years. The province, according to the NES, has only progressed from 36 to 38 percent.

Balochistan also has the lowest presence of private schools – 1,750, as compared to 48,541 in the Punjab, 12,574 in Sindh and 11,276 in the NWFP. The NES has noted that more than 76,000 private institutions in Pakistan attend to the educational needs of 12 million children. The trend in enrolment shows that the gender gap is closing down in the case of private schools as compared to public schools.

One strong reason could be the presence of almost twice the number of female teachers in the private sector as compared to the public sector. In private schools, the student to teacher ratio is 1:29. The male teacher to female teacher ratio is 1:2. In the case of the public sector, the ratio of male teachers to female teachers is 1:0.6.

“Private sector institutions are growing rapidly, i.e., from 36,096 in 1999-2000 to 81,103 institutions in 2005, showing an annual average increase of 25 percent,” the report said. Despite Balochistan’s abysmal state of education, the cash-starved province has been left in lurch by the federal government in its efforts to improve the state of education. The NES states that the provincial government will need to rationalize the suggested allocation increase by enhancing non-salary expenditures for primary and secondary schools. This includes the provision of missing facilities in existing infrastructure, the provision of quality services such as teacher training, the increase of resources for new infrastructure, a girls incentive programs, and the provision of on-the-side incentives such as free textbooks, uniforms, transport, and scholarships.

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Posted by on October 13, 2011 in Balochistan


Language teaching methodologies

By: Richards,J. and Rodgers,T
(1986) CUP Cambridge

Listed below are brief summaries of some of the more popular second language teaching methods of the last half century. For a more detailed analysis of the different methods, see Approaches and Methods in Language Teaching Richards, J. and Rodgers, T (1986) CUP Cambridge.

The Direct Method

In this method the teaching is done entirely in the target language. The learner is not allowed to use his or her mother tongue. Grammar rules are avoided and there is emphasis on good pronunciation.


Learning is largely by translation to and from the target language. Grammar rules are to be memorized and long lists of vocabulary learned by heart. There is little or no emphasis placed on developing oral ability.


The theory behind this method is that learning a language means acquiring habits. There is much practice of dialogues of every situations. New language is first heard and extensively drilled before being seen in its written form.

The structural approach

This method sees language as a complex of grammatical rules which are to be learned one at a time in a set order. So for example the verb “to be” is introduced and practised before the present continuous tense which uses “to be” as an auxiliary.


The theory underlying this method is that a language can be acquired only when the learner is receptive and has no mental blocks. By various methods it is suggested to the student that the language is easy – and in this way the mental blocks to learning are removed.

Total Physical Response (TPR)

TPR works by having the learner respond to simple commands such as “Stand up”, “Close your book”, “Go to the window and open it.” The method stresses the importance of aural comprehension.

Communicative language teaching (CLT)

The focus of this method is to enable the learner to communicate effectively and appropriately in the various situations she would be likely to find herself in. The content of CLT courses are functions such as inviting, suggesting, complaining or notions such as the expression of time, quantity, location.

The Silent Way

This is so called because the aim of the teacher is to say as little as possible in order that the learner can be in control of what he wants to say. No use is made of the mother tongue.

Community Language Learning

In this method attempts are made to build strong personal links between the teacher and student so that there are no blocks to learning. There is much talk in the mother tongue which is translated by the teacher for repetition by the student.


This corresponds to a great extent to the situation we have at our school. ESL students are immersed in the English language for the whole of the school day and expected to learn math, science, humanities etc. through the medium of the target language, English.

Task-based language learning

The focus of the teaching is on the completion of a task which in itself is interesting to the learners. Learners use the language they already have to complete the task and there is little correction of errors.

(This is the predominant method in middle school ESL teaching at Frankfurt International School. The tasks are subsumed in a major topic that is studied for a number of weeks. In the topic of ecology, for example, students are engaged in a number of tasks culminating in a poster presentation to the rest of the class. The tasks include reading, searching the internet, listening to taped material, selecting important vocabulary to teach other students etc.)

The Natural Approach

This approach, propounded by Professor S. Krashen, stresses the similarities between learning the first and second languages. There is no correction of mistakes. Learning takes place by the students being exposed to language that is comprehensible or made comprehensible to them.

The Lexical Syllabus

This approach is based on a computer analysis of language which identifies the most common (and hence most useful) words in the language and their various uses. The syllabus teaches these words in broadly the order of their frequency, and great emphasis is placed on the use of authentic materials.


Diagnostic study of Balochi Chappal

By: Tahir Malik
RC AHAN Balochistan

The purpose & scope of the study is to provide cluster level information to the readers. All the material presented is based on primary/secondary data, discussions/interviews with a number of individuals concerned, directly or indirectly, to the cluster, and certain assumptions are also incorporated for the purpose. The information compiled in the document may vary considerably due to any unforeseen circumstances. Therefore, the authors make no warranty, expressed or implied; concerning the accuracy of the information presented, and will not be liable for injury claims pertaining to the use of this publication or the information contained therein.

1. Description of cluster
Small and medium enterprises of Balochi chappal play a very vital role in the economy of Balochistan as they provide employment to about 500 people of Balochistan at Prince Road Quetta only. There are many other small enterprises of Balochi Chappal in other districts of Balochistan. Nearly in every district of Balochistan, Balochi Chappal is made in a smaller quantity as compare to Quetta.
There are many Balochi Chappal producers in different areas, killis of Quetta, e.g. On Jan Mohammad Road, Pashtoon Abad, Sariab Mill, Meezan Chok and Prine Road. Price road is the only area where there are 87 small and medium enterprises of Balochi Chappal. Average employment of each enterprise is 4.

2. Introduction
Balochi Chappal is known as the cultural footwear of Baloch nation. It is made in a large quantity in Balochistan, especially in Quetta. There are more than 100 enterprises in Quetta, which make their products in their shops, where they display and sell them. Average employment of each shop is 4. All the producers are Balochs and Pashtoons, belonging to different districts of Balochistan. It is also being made in other Districts of Balochistan but Quetta is the main place of production.

3. History of Balochi Chappal
Balochi Chappal is being made since the dawn of Baloch nation in the region, which is approximately 95 years ago. The evolution of balochi chappal has come from the southern region i.e. Dera Bugti, Kuhlu, Bolan, Wadd, Khuzdar. Balochi chappal is very much popular in all over Balochistan, because it is the indigenous shoes and is in the civilization of Baloch tribes.
In past time Balochi chappal was completely made up of leather, the sole was also made with leather. Many pieces of leather were joined together and made it hard to some extent and a complete chappal was made. Even at present time, in some tribes of Balochistan such chappals are made used. Such chappal is called Kosh in Balochi. But slowly and gradually when people migrated from tribal areas to cities, they came to know that using leather pieces as sole becomes very much expensive for them, and they also found car tire to be used as the sole. Then they started using tires as the sole of Balochi chappal in place of leather pieces.

4. Geographical location
Cluster is located at Prince Road in District Quetta. Quetta is the capital city of Balochistan and is covered by mountains from four sides. This cluster operates in the middle of the city. In east, there is Liaqat Bazaar which is the main bazaar of the city, on west, there is Jinnah Road. On north, there is Masjid Road and Fathima Jinnah Road and on south, there is Government Science College Quetta.

5. Composition of Balochi Chappal
Balochi Chappal is made of Leather and Car tier. The upper part of Chappal is made of different types of leather and foam. There are many types of leather used to make the upper part i.e. cut piece leather, high kurm leather; foam etc. leather is designed in different shapes for different designs of Chappal. There are many beautiful designs of Balochi Chappal, and are differentiated by the cutting of leather part.

Sole of balochi chappal is made of car tire; both new and old tires are used in making the sole, upper part of old tire is cut and polished for the said purpose. New tire is new, it does not need polish. Old tire is used for general designs and for ordered chappal new tire is used.

There are pieces of tire available for making soles. A piece of *foam is fixed on the tire to make it soft. No any kind of electronic machinery is used for make this unique chappal.

6. Types of Chappal
There are two main designs of balochi chappal.
They are as under:
􀂾 Balochi
􀂾 Shikari

Balochi chappal is mostly used by typical Balochs in cities and other tribal areas of
Balochistan. It has further many types.

Types of Balochi Chappal:
􀂾 Marri cut
􀂾 Jhalawan cut
􀂾 Mangal cut
􀂾 Bugti cut
􀂾 Sada Balochi

These names are given by the artisans them selves, these are all the names of tribes in Balochistan, and one, which is used mostly in a particular tribe, its name is give to that chappal. These types of Chappal are used in all over Balochistan.

Types of Shikari ChappalShikari Chappal is used by Pashtoon. It has further three types
􀂾 shikari
􀂾 Sada shikari
􀂾 Norozi

Balochi chappal is completely hand made, there is no use of any electronic machinery, only in some designs of Shikari and Balochi chappals, sewing machine is used for designing, but all the other designs and fitting is done by hand operated tools.

7. Tools
􀂾 Drashp, (for cutting)
􀂾 Kundi, (for making hols & sewing the sole)
􀂾 Rambi (for cutting purpose)
􀂾 Zamboor, (nail remover)
􀂾 Farma, (mould)
􀂾 Khat kash, (Liner)
􀂾 Plas
􀂾 Scissor
􀂾 Hammer
These hand operated tools are used in making chappal.

8. Raw material
Raw materials used in making Balochi Chappal are as under
• Leather,
• Foam, (type of leather)
• Car tire,
• Solution/glue,
• Thread,
• Nail
• Zip
• Aster
(a thick piece of soft leather placed on the top of sole to make it soft)
There are many varieties in leather, some are available in Quetta and some are not. Entrepreneurs usually travel to Karachi, Lahore and interior Punjab for the purpose. This thing increases the cost of chappal. Local vendors say that leather, which is not available here, is costly and is not used in all designs, if we bring it in Quetta, entrepreneurs may not afford the cost.
According to the entrepreneurs, they bring leather stock for 6 to 12 months, which covers their travel expenses from Quetta to other cities for the purpose. Leather is the most prominent and expensive part of chappal which differentiates in designs.

9. Types of leather
Many types of leather are used in making Balochi Chappal, i.e.
􀂾 High kurm leather
􀂾 Cut piece leather
􀂾 *Foam
􀂾 Sabir (type of leather)
􀂾 *Aster

*Aster is also a type of leather which is used in Balochi chappal. It is fixed on the sole (tire) to make it soft so that it should not heart the foot. Tire is too hard to put on, that’s why a piece of aster is fixed of it by sticking solution.
Car tire is used for the sole of Balochi chappal. As it is being used to walk on the mountainous areas from the beginning, that’s why car tire was used as the sole for it,
tire is too hard and does not finish by fraction for a long time. In past, people did not have much money to buy shoes and they needed something hard which could go for a long time, except tire, there was no any other alternative which could be used for the sole of their chappal. Drashp is used to cut the tire.
Sole and the upper part of chappal are fixed by sewing with hand operated tools. kundi is used for sewing chappal.
Leather is cut in a way that some parts of leather are passed from that holes of the sole
and is fixed there.

10. Manufacturing process
The beginning of Balochi Chappal starts from cutting the leather according to the size of required number, after cutting designs are made on it, (Sizes of each number of feet are already made on a piece of hard paper). Leather is put on that paper and cut according to that. After cutting the leather, sole is cut according to the required size.
*Aster is fixed on the hard tire sole to make it soft. Holes are made in the sole with an instrument (zamboor) and leather parts are dragged from those holes to fix leather with the sole. When they finished with that, a chappal shaped wooden piece (Farma) is fixed in that to make it hard so that they could easily fix its designs, when the incomplete chappal is fixed in Farma, now leather is cut in different designs to fix them on the chappal and a complete chappal is made.

Cut leather
Make designs on leather
Fix leather with sole

Cut tire for sole
Cut Aster
Fix Aster with sole
Fix leather with sole

Fix leather with sole
Assemble & hand stitch
Polishing & finishing
End consumers

11. Explanation of process
Balochi chappal making is very tough job. It needs too much time and hard work. There are some designs which even take 2 to 3 days in completion, due to leather cut designs on them. But a simple chappal can be made in one day by a single worker.
There are two phases of balochi chappal making. In first phase, the upper part of chappal is made and in second phase, sole is made.
Upper part of chappal is completely leather made, leather is cut in the required size
and designs are made on it.
A piece of car tire is taken as the sole, as the car tire is too hard to wear so a piece of *Aster is fixed on tire to make it soft. When sole and upper part are completed then these two parts are fixed together by some hole in the sole. This unfinished chappal is put in the Farma (wooden mould) to fix the leather cut designs on the upper part.
By this way a complete chappal is made and displayed in the outlet for sale.

12. Current output
There are 100 enterprises of Balochi Chappal in the cluster, and average employment of each enterprise is 5. Usually each worker can make 2-5 pairs in a full working day, but the duration of making of a Balochi Chappal depends upon the design, size and the season. Balochi chappal is a seasonal product that’s why the quantity of its manufacturing differs from season to season. Its market rises in summer and decreases in winter. In this way the entrepreneurs also change the quantity of production in different seasons.
But generally, monthly production of each enterprise is 300. In this way the monthly production of the cluster is 6000 pairs.
But this quantity changes with the change in seasons.

Cost breakdown

cost of raw material 65%
cost of labor 16.667%
Travel cost 8.334%
Other misc. 1.667%
Electricity 8.334%
Total 100%

13. Market
Mostly these entrepreneurs rely on direct sale to the end users at their outlets at prince road. Even Balochi Chappal has a great demand in the national and international market, but because of lack of knowledge about the markets and no access to these markets, these entrepreneurs can not take their products to big markets of the country.
Pricing of the chappal is made on fixed profit margin Their products are also taken to other countries by personal relations, which are very much liked by the people of those countries, and earn a great profit from there. But this thing does not give any extra benefit to the entrepreneurs, because these entrepreneurs do not export their items, but they just sell them at the current market price. Extra profit goes to the person who takes them to other countries. According to them, this cultural Chappal has a great demand and market in other countries.
The average sale of these entrepreneurs is 7 pairs/day. Prices of Balochi Chappal start from Rs.300 to Rs.700, because of the expensive and unavailable raw material in Quetta.
These entrepreneurs also make Chappal on order which costs upto Rs.1500. the cost of ordered chappal is high because of the selected design and material of the customers, they make the chappal according to the wish of the customer.

14. Finance
Finance system of this cluster is very weak; there is no concept of book keeping in these enterprises. It is all because the illiteracy of the entrepreneurs. Mostly they are uneducated that’s why they are not able enough to keep the records of their daily transactions. Only few of them keep records i.e. Pazwar, master cappal makers, Noorozi chappal makers etc.
They use the credit terms min. 10 days and max. 30 days. Them main problem in this area is that the suppliers are not willing to provide finance.
These suppliers do not sell their products on credit to the customers from other areas who want to buy on a large quantity because they are afraid of loosing their money.

15. Problems identified
The most common problems faced by these enterprises are as under:

Supply End:
􀂾 Raw matrial is expensive and some types of leather are not available in quetta, they have to travel to Karachi, Lahore and interior Punjab and sindh for the purpose.
􀂾 They need training in designing and product development

􀂾 Hand operated tools are problem for them in the production process.
􀂾 Their shops are very much close to the road and are open. All the dust and smoke of vehicles inter directly into their shops which cause many diseases in\ them. i.g. asthma, chest pain, cough etc.

􀂾 No proper market / distribution channel through which they could distribute their products into domestic and international markets
􀂾 They have no resources to develop marketing material, i.e. Brouchers, website, adds in print and electronic media, for the publicity of their products

16. Working conditions
Working conditions are not that much bad. If a local person visits the cluster and observes the working conditions then they are good, the chappal makers are sitting on the floor, working in an open shop having fresh air, in the main bazaar. In some shops, a small piece of wooden table is there in front of the designer where he cuts leather in different shapes and rest of the workers have a piece of huge stone. And in most of other shops, this wooden table is not available; they use the piece of stone as their table and to sharpen their cutting instruments.
But when some one from a factory visits the cluster and observes the working conditions then it will be very painful for him, because he knows the facilities provided for performing different works, and these workers are setting on floor, absorbing polluted air and the disadvantage of such work is, the effect on the backbone of the workers. They set to work from early morning till evening; this thing has a very dangerous affect on the health of the workers. Nearly all the workers complain pain in their backbones after finishing their work.
Fear of cutting their hands by sharp hand used instruments is always there. Their shops are very much close to the road due to which all the dust, spread by the cars, goes directly into the shops and they inhale it. This thing causes many diseases for them. They think that they are sitting in a free area with fresh air but their air is fully polluted with dust and smoke of the cars.
Lighting arrangements are not problems for them because they work only in day time so they do not need extra arrangement for that.

17. SWOT analysis
􀂙 Strengths
􀀹 Quality products
􀀹 Skilled labor
􀀹 Cultural / ancient crafts
􀀹 High consumption in domestic market
􀀹 Large number of producers
􀀹 High quantity of monthly production
􀀹 Hard working workers, spend most of time at their shops
􀀹 Can compete with other shoes companies

􀂙 Weaknesses􀀹 Illiteracy
􀀹 Conservative/tribal community
􀀹 Lack of trust with each other
􀀹 Inconsistency in pricing
􀀹 Low capacity of investment
􀀹 Non availability of raw material
􀀹 Low level of modernization and up gradation of products
􀀹 Have no unions
􀀹 Have no recognized brand name i.e. Bata, Service etc

􀂙 Opportunities
􀀹 Demand of traditional designs
􀀹 Utilization of product as culture
􀀹 Scope in national and international markets

􀂙 Threats
􀀹 Modern / contemporary designs
􀀹 Duplication of their products in low quality and low rate
􀀹 Slow improvement in quality

18. Strategies
Following strategies can be adopted by the government and non government organizations for the betterment of the cluster.
􀂾 Managerial and accounting training for accurate record keeping to minimize risk of loosing products
􀂾 Awareness training to overcome internal grievance
􀂾 Encourage entrepreneurs to invest more in business for greater profit
􀂾 Provision of raw material within the cluster (Quetta), encourage local vendors to provide quality raw material in affordable prize
􀂾 Training of modern designs and awareness training about modern market demand
􀂾 Make registered association for their legal rights
􀂾 Develop linkages with domestic, national and international markets
􀂾 Prepare marketing material to promote sale of this ancient craft
􀂾 Marketing and product development training
􀂾 Provide Micro credit to the entrepreneurs so that they could run their business Smoothly

19. Vision
• Increase sale by developing market linkages. (Please quantify the vision and also include time frame e.g. 3 years or 5 years)
• Modify existing products into modern designs and patterns by designing and Product developing training.
• Confirm availability of raw material within the cluster in affordable prize
• Developing a marketing strategy to increase the sale of Balochi Chappal in Balochistan as well as in National and International Markets

20. Mission
To modify the existing product according to the modern market demand so that the sale of Balochi Chappal increase and these entrepreneurs could get some profit.
Sale of Balochi Chappal can be increased by providing quality raw material in affordable cost, modify the existing chappal according to the need of modern market.
There is no union or team work among these entrepreneurs due to which their production and pricing is being disturbed. We aim to make a registered association which will tackle their legal issues in future.

21. Expected result
􀂙 End users
People who wish to wear balochi chappal but can afford its cost, will be able to buy it, by this way the sale will also increase accordingly.
􀂙 Entrepreneurs
When they get raw material within the cluster, the production cost of cappal will automatically decrease which will increase the sale of their products.
􀂙 Managerial and accounting trainings will make them able to keep proper record of their sale. They will be able to sell their products on credit to the customers from other cities
􀂙 Whole seller
Whole sellers will take balochi chappal to other districts which will increase the sale of these entrepreneurs

Action plan for Proposed Association for 2 year

First 8 months• Product Development
􀂃 Mobilization for group/team work
􀂃 Union / Association formation and registration
􀂃 Introduction of modern market taste and demand
􀂃 Research and information about quality Raw Material
􀂃 Managerial and Accounting trainings

Second 8 months• Sample production
􀂃 Product Development Training
􀂃 Marketing training
􀂃 Designing training
􀂃 Quality sample production
􀂃 Searching for markets for quality raw material
􀂃 Contact with raw material dealers in other cities for raw material

Third 8 months
• Marketing and publicity
􀂃 Preparation of Marketing material (printing brouchers, making
Website, ads in print and electronic media)
􀂃 Searching for reasonable Local, National and International
􀂃 Linkage development with Local, National and International

* Foam is a type of leather which is comparatively softer then the other types of leather

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Posted by on October 6, 2011 in Baloch Culture


Balochistan A Backgrounder

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By: Priyashree Andley
Research Officer
Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies
New Delhi

Balochistan forms 44 percent of Pakistan’s geographical territory with a 770 km long coastline and straddles three countries (Pakistan, Iran, and Afghanista.1 It is sparsely populated; according to the 1998 census, the ethnic makeup of the province include 54.7 percent Baloch tribes and 29 percent Pashtun tribes.

Economically, its vast rangelands, large numbers of livestock, rich mineral and gas deposits, and good quality deciduous fruits are of significant value. However, there is relatively less industrialization in the province, it remains poverty stricken, underdeveloped and receives a small share of the revenue it generates.


The Baloch has a strong sense of cultural distinctiveness with their recorded folk literature dating back to tenth century, devoted to glories of Baloch homeland and victorious battles against the Persians, Arabs, Tartars and other invaders.2 Baloch nationalism is based on secular principles, with tribal and clan loyalties playing a crucial role in determining identities. Islamabad’s attempt to impose a ‘national identity’ upon the Balochis and, the longstanding resentment towards federal policies ,were the main reasons for the four major insurgencies in 1948, 1958, 1963 and 1973.

Before colonial rule, Balochistan was a highly fragmented society. It was in the eighteenth century that Nasir Khan, the sixth Khan of Kalat, established a unified Baloch army of 25, 000 men and organized the Baloch tribes under an agreed military and administrative system.

Kalat was the largest of the four princely states in Balochistan; the other three include Makran, Kharan and Las Bela. Under British rule a part of Balochistan was named ‘British Balochistan’, was centrally administered by British India.3 The Khan’s powers were reduced and he was forced to accept a contractual notion of sovereignty, according to which tribal chiefs were to accept his authority but could legally refute it in certain circumstances.

When the British left the subcontinent, Mir Ahmed Yar Khan declared Kalat as an independent state, and both the houses of parliament in Kalat unanimously refused to merge with Pakistan. Subsequently, the Pakistan army’s garrison in Balochistan was ordered to march on Kalat and arrest the Khan, following which Kalat was annexed. Nationalists rejected Khan’s capitulation and Prince Karim, his brother, launched the first armed insurgency in 1948.4 Jinnah decided to introduce a governorgeneral’s council in Balochistan for governance and administration thereby laying the foundations for direct federal authority over the province. The insurgency continued till 1950 until the arrest of Prince Karim.

In 1955, the “One Unit” scheme was introduced by the federal government. Under this scheme the four western provinces of Balochistan, Sindh, NWFP and Punjab were amalgamated into one. This attempt to strengthen national unity and end Baloch antagonisms was strongly condemned by the nationalist leaders.5 By 1955,

Prince Karim had completed his prison term and mobilized widespread demonstrations through tribal chiefs. He launched the People’s Party, representing a new Baloch nationalism that cut across tribal and linguistic lines. The Pakistan army moved in during October 1958, and arrested the Khan and his retainers, accusing them of secretly negotiating a rebellion with Afghanistan. The arrest sparked massive violence. The unrest continued when tribesmen refused to comply with the army’s demand that weapons be handed over. A guerilla movement was organized under Nauroz Khan but died when he was arrested, and five of his men were hanged in July 1960, on charges of treason.6

After 1959, the Pakistan army started building new garrisons at key points in Balochistan, triggering another guerilla movement. The armed Baloch revolt comprised of left leaning militants led by Sher Mohammad Marri. He set up a network of base camps spread from the Mengal tribal areas of Jhalawan in the south to the Marri and Bugti areas in the north. By July 1963, the guerrillas had established numerous base camps of varying size spreading over 45,000 square miles. The guerillas ambushed convoys and bombed trains; in retaliation, the army damaged acres of land owned by the Marri tribesmen. The sporadic fighting ended in 1969, when General Yahya Khan withdrew the ‘’One Unit” plan and the Baloch agreed to a ceasefire.7 In 1970, Balochistan was granted the status of a ‘province’.

In 1972, the People’s Party and the North West Frontier Province (NWFP) based National Awami Party (NAP) allied with the Islamist Jamait-Ulema-i-Islam to oppose President Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. Having won the elections, the alliance sought to increase the representation of the ethnic Baloch in government, and demanded greater control over development and industrialization. Bhutto, representing the national ruling elite of Pakistan, resisted this regional elite. In 1973, Bhutto dismissed the Balochistan government on charges of treason and Governor’s rule was imposed in the province.

The dismissal of an elected provincial government led to the fourth insurgency.8 Large numbers of Marri tribesmen and Baloch students fought against the government and attacked the Pakistani and American oil companies leading to the halting of drilling and survey operations. The Pakistani army deployed 80,000 soldiers, used helicopter gun ships provided by Iran and $ 200 million as financial and emergency aid, to put down the insurgency that continued until 1977 in which more than 5,000 insurgents and 3,300 army men lost their lives.9

The rebels formed the Balochistan People’s Liberation Front (BPLF), under Khair Bakhsh Marri, and raised the level of guerrilla warfare.10 The BPLF manifesto stressed that it was ‘not fighting a secessionist war for the Baloch alone, but a war of national liberation for all the nationalities of Pakistan’. For its members secession was unrealistic and greater autonomy was a better option. Mir Hazar Khan Marri led the Baloch liberation movement under the BPLF.


Baloch grievances are rooted in their denial to political rights, the exploitation of natural resources by the federal government and the fear of being swamped by the Punjabis and the army. They also resent their land being parceled out to outsiders and the impact of development projects in the province.


During his eleven years of military rule, General Zia-ul Haq intensified efforts to bribe and co – opt the Baloch elite. He succeeded in buying loyalties of the former Baloch Students Organization president, Khair Jan Baloch. His decision to turn Pakistan into a frontline state to help the US, to topple the regime in Afghanistan and eject the Soviet Army, created a corrupt political culture in Balochistan.11 Billions of dollars worth war material entered Pakistan and the NWFP and Balochistan became the Pakistani base for Afghan Mujahids. In the post 1988 democratic phase, the Baloch tribes were represented in the governments of Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif, and ethnic tensions subsided. Baloch nationalist parties were given an opportunity to articulate their grievances through national and provincial legislatures. In the 1988 elections, Akbar Bugti led the Baloch National Alliance (BNA) – a coalition of tribal leaders and left-wing nationalists that won number of seats in the provincial assembly.12 However, the October 1999 coup and follow up efforts to undermine the real democratic and political forces reignited the Baloch issue. Baloch representation in the armed forces is minimal and makes up only 1.3 percent of the armed forces with Punjabis dominating senior positions in civil and military service.13

Exploitation of natural resources

The Baloch tribes feel that their natural resources and assets are being exploited without little benefit to them. A case in point is the Sui Gas; its first deposits discovered in 1953. Gas was supplied to Multan and Rawalpindi, in Punjab in 1964 but Quetta, the capital of Balochistan, waited until 1986 for its share of gas. This too was possible only after the federal government set up a Corps Headquarters in Quetta. Dera Bugti received gas in the midnineties when a para military camp was set up there. Overall, only four of the 26 districts constituting Balochistan are supplied with Sui gas.14 The federal government pays a lower price for Baloch gas than it does for gas produced in other provinces, particularly Sind and Punjab.

Development Projects

The Baloch tribes fear that developmental projects in Balochistan, intended for greater economic opportunities, will solely serve the interests of the ruling elite and state institutions in the military establishment. The Gwadar Port, which Pakistan has been propagating as another ‘Karachi’, is a project entirely under the control of the central government. In 1992, Nawaz Sharif government decided to build a seaport at Gwadar on Makran post. Initially, Baloch nationalists supported the idea of a port but subsequent developments like the creation of a land market, a planned military base and the expected massive inflow of non-Balochis in a province with a total population of six-seven million, were not discussed with the Baloch Assembly leading to dissatisfaction with the government. The Baloch in Gwadar fear that they will become a minority in their own land.15 In addition, if the port is not connected to Baloch populated areas of Turbat, Panjgur, and Khuzdar, the province will derive little benefit from the project. Gwadar has only one intermediate college and no technical school. No major steps have been taken to improve health facilities or access to safe drinking water. Most of the locals rely on fishing for a livelihood and lost the prime fishing grounds after the port was constructed.16

The Saindak copper and precious minerals project was supposed to provide training and employment to local youth. The project halted for ten years because of the unwillingness of the federal authorities to provide Rs. 1.5 billion for it to proceed. It was revived however, with assistance from the Chinese who receive 50 per cent of the profits. Of the remaining 50 per cent, only two per cent accrues to Balochistan, while central government of Pakistan receives 48 per cent.17

Security concerns

The Baloch tribes also distrust the security agencies in their province. The Frontier Corps, a para-military force operates under the federal government. Complaints of abuse by the locals at many FC check posts include extortion, humiliation, threats and the use of lethal force.

The security presence is overwhelming and most personnel are not locals.18 The Baloch opposition demands the removal of FC check posts, the return of the army to the barracks and the release of political prisoners for the restoration of peace.


In Balochistan, there are three main tribes headed by nationalist Sardars; the Marris (led by Nawab Khair Bakhsh Marri), the Bugtis (led by Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti), and the Mengals (led by Sardar Ataullah Mengal). There exist serious differences amongst these tribal leaders, but the cause they have espoused and the issues they have raised strike a chord amongst Baloch people. According to Yusufzai, Sardars with a political and popular following – like those mentioned above – folllow an independent line, which the State finds difficult to handle.19

The Marri tribe is a Baloch tribe on the Dera Ghazi border of Balochistan. It occupies large parts of Kohlu district. The Marri tribe is divided into three sub tribes namely Bijrani, Gazini and Lohrani. Khair Bakhsh Marri, the Nawab of this tribe, became a Marxist politician in 1958. He was responsible for victory by the nationalists in the 1970 poll. In 1981, he moved to Afghanistan where he mobilized a welltrained and well-armed guerilla force of five thousand men.20

The Bugti tribe led by Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti (killed recently) has many sub tribes : Rejai or Raheja, Masuri, Kalpar, Mondrani, Shambani, Mothani and Pirozani. Akbar Bugti assumed governorship of Balochistan after Zulfukar Ali Bhutto dismissed the Ataullah Mengal’s NAP led government. He also became the chief minister of Balochistan’s first provincial government after the restoration of Democracy in 1988.21

The Mengal tribe, headed by Ataullah Mengal, was engaged in an armed struggle with the Pakistani Army, during the rule of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. During Mengal’s self exile in 1980, he said that, it was impossible to live in a federation since Punjabi dominance would continue over the Baloch.22

There are four main Baloch nationalist parties in the province that propagate Baloch rights.

•The Balochistan National Party (BNP) was formed by Sardar Ataullah Mengal. It resulted from a merger between the Mengal’s Balochistan National Movement and Ghous Bakhsh Bizenjo’s Pakistan National Party. The BNP demands maximum provincial autonomy, limiting federal government authority to four subjects namely, defence, foreign affairs, currency and communications. The BNP won 12 seats in the general elections in 1997 and three seats in the National Assembly and formed the provincial government.23

•The Jamhoori Watan Party (JWP) was formed in 1990 and headed by (late) Akbar
Bugti. The JWP support base is largely limited to the Bugti tribe. Bugti’s defiant stand, however, won him the support of many other Baloch who were initially skeptical about his motives, given his past history of working with the centre against the Baloch nationalist forces.24

•The Baloch Haq Talwar (BHT) is largely tribal in its structure and membership. It is headed by Nawab Khair Bakhsh Marri of the Marri tribe. The Marris’ are at the forefront of the resistance to military rule. The government accused Nawab Marri’s son, Balach Marri of leading the insurgency in 2005.

•The National Party (NP) is headed by Dr. Abdul Hayee. It was formed out of a merger of Balochistan National Movement and Balochistan National Democratic Party.
It strongly opposes central government projects like Gwadar port, and demands Baloch rights to control their own resources and their own political and economic priorities.25 The NP is opposed to the Sardari system as most of its members are educated and belong to the non tribal cadre. It holds the military responsible for the Balochistan crises.

•The Balochistan Students Organisation (BSO) formed in 1967 represents the Baloch middle class and students. It strongly opposes military rule and demands more jobs for the youth. It is not aligned with any political party and acts as an independent force. In the 1990’s the BSO armed itself and nearly 20,000 trained militants remained in the fold of Jamait Islami, Jiye Sindh and BSO.26

•The Pashtun Khwa Milli Awami Party (PKMAP) formed in 1987 believes that the Pashtuns should form a separate province or be merged with Pashtun majority in NWFP; until then it advocates a democratic, parliamentary federation in which all nationalities are empowered. The PKMAP was formed following a dispute between Pashtun (Khan Abdul Samad Khan) and Baloch (Khair Bakhsh Marri) leadership on raising Balochistan to the status of an administrative province. In the 1988 general election, the party got two seats in the Balochistan Assembly.27 In March 2006, it declared its willingness to resolve differences through a dialogue with the Baloch.

•The Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) is comprised of the Marris and other non tribal Baloch educated middle class, with Balach Marri leading the Marri resistance. In Kohlu, the stronghold of the Marris, there are 30 to 40 militant camps, with each camp having 300 to 500 recruits.28 The BLA’s objectives are based largely on a pan-Baloch demand for an independent State or more powers for the province. For the BLA, mega projects such as Gwadar are a means for the Punjabis to overwhelm the Baloch. What remains unexplored is the link between the BLA and the tribal leaders. According to Chandran, the relation operates at two levels: first, at political level where the Sardars and the Ittehad (an allianceof four political parties) fight for the same cause and second, at the operational level where the latter seems to take its own decisions. The Ittehad justifies BLA’s attacks.29 BLA has considerable support from the Baloch Diaspora spread across many continents. Baloch pockets in Afghanistan and Iran, which have a common border with the area, have always been vocal supporters of their brethren in Pakistan. On 9 April 2006, Musharraf banned the BLA as a terror organization and ordered arrests of anyone linked with it. 30


Although it accounts for 36 per cent of Pakistan’s total gas production, Sui province recieves only 17 per cent of the gas produced in the region. The remaining 83 per cent is sent to the rest of the country. Moreover, Balochistan receives no more than 12.4 per cent of the royalties due to it for supplying gas. Balochistan supplies more than 40 per cent of Pakistan’s primary energy needs (natural gas, coal and electricity). The government has announced that the gas deposits being exploited at present will be depleted by 2012, leading to the need to drill deeper and undertake fresh exploration. Reports by geological experts indicate the presence of 19 trillion cubic feet of gas and 6 trillion barrels of oil reserves in Balochistan. The Baloch, however, are determined to prevent further exploration and development without their consent. They want an agreement for the equitable sharing of resources.31

Apart from the state’s economic exploitation, there is an intra-tribal economic conflict over
Sui royalties. According to Chandran, the Kalpars claim that the Sui gas fields are located in their area; hence, they should be the primary beneficiaries of its royalties, which further infuriated Akbar Bugti. Jalal Khan, nephew of Amir Hamza, claimed that Sui belongs to the Kalpars; hence, its royalty is their right. According to reports, Akbar Bugti received 120 million rupees annually as royalty in addition to the two million he is paid monthly for providing security to the Pakistan Petroleum Ltd (PPL) installations and pipelines. Bugti claimed that the royalty had to be revised and accused the government for not settling its dues.32 On 27 August 2006 Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti was killed in Pakistan followed by rioting in many parts of the Balochistan province. In spite of the pro-Bugti and anti-Bugti factions in themprovince, his demise coupled with the aggressive policies of the government, have the potential to create a cohesive opposition and pose a serious security challenge on Pakistan’s border provinces.


In 2003, the latest round of armed conflict ensued with a series of bombings through the year. Dr. Chandran asserts that the BLA led these acts with one main objective: to force Islamabad to withdraw the federal garrisons in Balochistan as well as the federally sponsored mega projects. The insurgents mainly targeted developmental activities and infrastructure such as Gas pipelines, railway tracks, bridges, power transmission lines, telephone exchanges, military and government installations.

The Jamhoori Watan Party (JWP), the Balochistan National Party (BNP) and National Party (NP) led by the merger of factions of Hasil Bizenjo and Abdul Hayee, and Baloch Haq Tawaar (BHT) led by Nawab Khair Marri, joined to form the Ittehad in 2003. The Ittehad favors more power and autonomy for smaller provinces, hence drafted proposals for constitutional amendments. 33 A new development took place in May 2005, as Akbar Bugti suggested the formation of a joint political platform, while offering to dissolve his own party provided the other members of the Ittehad do the same to have a common Baloch forum, but there was no serious response during the last year. S. Zulfiqar asserts that most of the demands made were against developmental activities seen as efforts to exploit Baloch resources; and against the military cantonments, a symbol of Punjabi military domination.34

In 2004,there were series of attacks all over Balochistan, the most important being the BLA attack in Gwadar on 3 May 2004, when three Chinese Engineers were killed. Also, in Khuzdar on 1 August 2004 in Khuzdar, five military personnel were killed.

Later in the year, Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain, (then interim Prime Minister), constituted a Parliamentary Committee on Balochistan. There were two sub committees to look into current issues and Constitutional issues. The Current issues committee (led by Mushahid Hussain) dealt with building of military cantonments, mega developmental projects and violence, whereas the constitutional committee (led by Wasim Sajjad) dealt with issues related to provincial autonomy. The sub-committees recommended a 15 to 20 per cent increase in gas royalty, 20 to 30 per cent resource allocation for local development, and 5.4 per cent quota for Baloch workers in federal ministry divisions. Moreover, they recommended social sector development and constitutional changes for providing greater provincial autonomy to the province.35 Sajjad Committee also recommended a complete revision of the concurrent list and distribution of federal resources on the basis of poverty, backwardness, unemployment and development level of provinces, instead of using the criterion of population. For Akbar Bugti the Pakistani constitution did not apply to the Baloch, as the majority of their leadership refrained from endorsing it when the Parliament approved the constitution in 1973. According to Chandran, “one of the major problems with these initiatives was the failure to follow them up when faced with armed resistance at the ground level – especially after the January 2005 attacks.’” 36 As a consequence, state coercion and military action continued and Mengal, Marri and Bugti leaders gradually lost trust in the Parliamentary committees. Musharraf’s visit to the area was followed by another round of military operations against the BLA and armed Bugti tribes. On 17 March 2005, when the personnel of a convoy stopped a Bugti tribesman outside Dera Bugti and tried to disarm him, tensions regained momentum.37

This led the Frontier Corps (FC) and tribesmen to start firing rockets and shelling mortars at each other and at civilians. May 2005 witnessed a positive development in the Parliamentary Committee on Balochistan, as it was agreed to delete 30 items from the concurrent list that In October 2006, Salim Saifullah Khan, Interprovincial Coordination Minister, stated that a number of subjects in the concurrent list would be transferred to provinces to enhance the quantum of autonomy, and the government will get a constitutional amendment passed from the parliament before the next budget.39 However, he did not explain whether Wasim Sajjid‘s constitutional committee had prepared a suitable report and if it would be made public.


Political developments in the state after the death of Bugti are not indicative of an emerging anarchy or an end to Musharraf’s rule in the near future. The King’s party in the Parliament remains undivided and other political parties have not made any strong comments on the killing of Bugti. Hence, there is only a slim would be devolved on the provinces after the constitutional amendments.38 possibility that Bugti’s death could be used to form a united political front against Musharraf. Moreover, Bugti’s death is unlikely to bridge the apparent divide between Punjab and Balochistan. Most parts of Punjab and rural Sindh remained unaffected by the protests and strikes in Balochistan and Karachi.40

General Musharraf’s position has not weakened after Bugti’s killing. Rather, he has become even more determined to reemphasize the supremacy of the writ of the state. However, he needs to be cautious of the hardened Baloch stance after the incident as this can play a significant role in the forthcoming national election.


1 Frédéric Grare, “The Resurgence of Baluch Nationalism”, South Asia Project, Pakistan Paper,
Number 65, January 2006, re.FINAL.pdf
2 Selig S Harrison, “Nightmare in Baluchistan,” Foreign Policy, Vol.32, Fall 1978, p.140
3 Selig S Harrison, In Afghanistan’s Shadow: Baluch Nationalism and Soviet temptations (New
York: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1981) p.16
4 Owen Bennett Jones, Pakistan: Eye of the storm (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002) p.133
5 Lawrence Ziring, Pakistan: At the crosscurrent of History (Lahore: Vanguard Press, 2004) p.71
6 Selig S Harrison, In Afghanistan’s Shadow, pp.27-28
7 “Pakistan: The Worsening Conflict in Balochistan,” International Crisis Group, Asia Report No. 119, p.4
8 Mary Anne Weaver, Pakistan: In the shadow of Jihad and Afghanistan ( New York: Farrar, Straus
and Giroux Press, 2002) p.111
9 Selig S. Harrison, In Afghanistan’s Shadow, pp. 36 & 46-47.
10 Hassan Abbas, Pakistan’s Drift into Extremism (New Delhi: Pentagon Press, 2005) p.79
11 Feroz Ahmed, Ethnicity and Politics in Pakistan (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1998) p. 177
12 Paul Titus, “Introduction,” in Sylvia A. Matheson, The Tigers of Balochistan (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1997) pp. 18-19
13 Hasan-Askari Rizvi, Military State and Society in Pakistan (London: Macmillan Press, 2000) pp.240-241.
14 Frédéric Grare, “The Resurgence of Baluch Nationalism,” South Asia Project, Pakistan Paper, Number 65, January 2006.
15 ibid.
16 “Pakistan: The Worsening Conflict in Balochistan,” International Crisis Group, p.14
17 Rashed Rahman, “The Balochistan Issue”, Daily Times, 11 August 2004.
18 Zahid Hussain, “Gathering storm,” Newsline, February 2005.
19 Rahimullah Yusufzai, “At boiling point,” Newsline, October 2004, p.36.
20 Mary Anne Weaver, Pakistan: In the Shadow of Jihad and Afghanistan ( New York: Farrar, Straus
and Giroux Press, 2002) p. 104
21 Feroz Ahmed, Ethnicity and Politics in Pakistan (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1998) p. 392
22 Selig S. Harrison, In Afghanistan’s Shadow, p.66
23 Siddiq Baluch, “Balochistan National Party,” in ABS Jafri’s, The Political Parties of Pakistan,( Karachi: Royal Book Company, 2002) pp. 16-17
24 “Pakistan: The Worsening Conflict in Balochistan,” International Cris is Group, Asia Report No. 119, p.10
25 ibid.
26 See Prashant Dikshit, “Threats to security,” in Sreedhar ed. Pakistan after 9/11 ( New Delhi:
Manas, 2003)
27 Saleem Shahid, “Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party,” in ABS Jafri’s, The political parties of
Pakistan, (Karachi: Royal Book Co mpany, 2002) pp. 79-81
28 Shahzada Zulfiqar, “Edging towards Anarchy,” Newsline, September 2004, p.35.
29 D. Suba Chandran, “Pakistan: Tribal Troubles in Waziristan and Balochistan,” in Suba Chandran ed.
Armed Conflicts and Peace Proces in South Asia (forthcoming)
30 “BLA declared terrorist organization,” Nation, 10 April 2006
31 Frédéric Grare, “The Resurgence of Baluch Nationalism”, South Asia Project, Pakistan paper, Number 65, January 2006.
32 D. Suba Chandran, “Balochistan: Kalpars, Masuris and the Intra Bugti Clashes in Dera Bugti,” IPCS Article no. 2052, 28 June 2006
33 ibid.
34 Shahzada Zulfiqar, “We have launched a struggle for our freedom from the yoke of Punjab’s
slavery,” Newsline, Sept 2004, p.38.
35 “Pakistan: The Worsening Conflict in Balochistan,” p. 20
36 D. Suba Chandran, “Pakistan: Tribal Troubles in Waziristan and Balochistan.”
37 “Miscreants’ camp targeted in Kohlu,” The News, 22 December 2005; “Kohlu operation continues,”
The Nation, 24 December 2005
38 D. Suba Chandran, “Pakistan: Tribal Troubles in Waziristan and Balochistan.”
39 Editorial, “Defining Autonomy,” The Nation, 18 October 2006
40 D. Suba Chandran, “Akbar Bugti and After:Implications for Balochistan and Pakistan,” IPCS Issue Brief No. 38 September 2006,

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