RSS

Category Archives: Baloch Culture

Status of Women in the Baloch Society

(Research Paper)

By:
Panah Baloch
Muhammad Afzal Qaisarani

Abstract
The Baloch women, constitute like any other social group, about half of population. The Baloch women, as well in all communities, are more illiterate than men. Like other social groups, the Baloch women share problem related reproductive health. When primary and secondary subsistence activities are counted, women work more than men. The connectional framework to analyse women’s status comprise the seven roles women play in life and work:- parental, conjugal, domestic, kin, occupational, community and as an individual. In order to appraise the social status of women in these diverse ecological areas, the findings have been divided into subsequent categories:- (a) a girl; daughter, (b) mother, (c) married women and (d) common women. Role of women not only of importance economic activities, but her role in non-economic activities is equally important. The Baloch women work very hard, in some cases even more than men. However, in their own world women have a freedom, and self-expression. With the onset of developmental programmes economic changes are take place but Baloch women remains traditional in their dress, language, tools and resources. The Baloch women play very important and historical role in the field of politics, social, economy, literature, health etc. The structure of the society is being changing due to emerging the Baloch people from nomadic to semi-nomadic and agro-pastoral. Modernization is bringing changes, which affect man and women differently. The rapid changes and modernization in the structure of society not only bringing positive impacts but it is affecting and damaging constructive values, traditions and norms, prevails in Baloch society from the centuries, which are badly affecting the respect, honour and dignity of women. There is need of incorporation and promotion of constructive values, traditions and norms with recent rapid changes, revival of positive aspects and protection of the status women in the light of historical role and importance of women.

Introduction
Baloch as a nation historically belongs to nomadic, semi- nomadic and a pastoral life style. They used to raise livestock as primary enterprise for their livelihoods, so the migration from highland to lowland was a permanent phenomenon in search of fodder for their animals. Their existence is based on collective, mutual interests, and losses. Baloch people have their own characteristics; like any other nation in terms of art, music, morals, and customs. Baloch have it own unique language and identity. Although Baloch have a history of a nomadic way of life but with the passage of time they in transitory process in settling themselves in modern life. Adoption of modern life influenced their norms and culture as they merge in a new society. However, educated and middle class generations carrying their own norms and values. Historically and socially Baloch belong to a secular school of thoughts. Hospitality is one of the best virtues among Baloch people. For instance, when an enemy entered in their house or huts for seeking protection, they are bound to give them protection and treat them with honor. There are many such stories in Baloch history; they gave the protection of their enemies. For hospitality, Baloch nomads, a century ago, has a separate tent for their guest and those whom are well off they have guest houses in Balochistan. Baloch poetry is one of the most beautiful poetry and one of the oldest in the World. In Baloch culture poetry has always been combined with music. Balochi music and folklore has been passed from generation to generation as a valuable art. Balochi handicrafts are world-renowned – be it Baloch carpets and rugs or embroidery. The Baloch are very hospitable, nice and friendly. They are generally intelligent, learned, well-informed, initiated, cultivated, socially accomplished and politically attentive. Culturally, they are rich and self-dependent.
Regardless of being a tribal society, Baloch consider their women as full partners. Baloch women have always played a major role being housewife, working in agriculture field for centuries during the cultivation period – nomadic women can help graze the flocks and much more. Women take care of feeding the livestock, cleaning the abodes and even in providing traditional care of diseases. They further involved in milking and milking process, poultry, and egg selling. Women have significant role in the development of livestock sector in Balochistan (Shafiq, M., 2008). Baloch women have helped their men during the war by treating their injuries and providing support in many ways. For centuries, Baloch do not have any segregation of sexes nor did they have veil in nomadic life. On the other hand, as respect of women in Baloch society, if she interferes during tribal feuds between two warring tribes – both parties will stop fighting. Baloch women have taken the responsibility of teaching their children moral principle and values. Particularly, killing women in Baloch culture is considered covertness. The role of Baloch women through history is of times oversimplified and misinterpreted through the lens of recent history for which there are far more records. A number of examples are on the record of our history where women have been assisted the rulers in their affairs or have exhibited tremendous intellectual efforts for the reform and betterment of the society.
Respect of mother and sister is mandatory in Baloch society. In old age, special care provided to mother. I personally observed that when old mother is sick, her son takes it in his hands. Her words never been ignored. In the tribes status of mother and wife of tribal chief is high. Tribal men have any complain against his chief then he approach the mother and wife of tribal chief then they try to provide justice to him. Baloch women are loyal to her husband. If her husband was killed, then she trained and asks her son for revenge ( Shah, 2008).
In the sixteenth century the Portuguese invaded Persian Gulf region, including the Baloch coast of Makran. Mir Hamal Jiand, a chief of Kalmat in the Makran resisted against then and finally arrested by them and they offered to marry with European girl. He refused to do so and he loves his native girls. Baloch poetess Bibi Khanun expresses his view about difference of Baloch and European girl, in her poetry ( Naseer, 1976):
On the score that they do not wash their eyes,
Nor pronounce the name of God;
They devour handfuls of dates with flies,
Their shirts are cut above the knees,
And the naval is exposed to view l;
Neither their address to God is decent,
Nor (do they) recite the Muslim way prayer;
Hamal loves his native girls having intoxicating eyes,
They wear shirts and trousers,
And cover their heads with shawls.

Before starting a discussion or any generalization of the role of Women in Baloch society, it is important to know the factors that help in interpreting the status that they enjoy in their own family.

Cultural Background
A woman life sphere consists of child to motherhood. These all stages have been discussed in the following chapter to give better understanding to the readers.

Girl Child
Girl child in Baloch tribe is called “Janekh” or Neyanrin”. Baloch too have son preference but don not discriminate against girls by female infanticide or sex determination tests. The elder sister is like mother where as they have love and respect for younger brother and sisters. Boys and girls don’t have similar inheritance laws. Baloch women do not have similar inherit land, except in matrilineal societies or under special circumstances. Nonetheless they are not abused, hated, or subjected to strict social norms. Girls are free to participate in social events, dancing and other family recreational programmes. Girls are not considered as burden because of their economic value. There is no dowry on marriage. However in some areas father of bridegroom pay a bride price in the shape of Lab to the father of girl. When there is a marriage by exchange, in which brother and sister in the family may marry a sister and brother belonging to other family, no bride price is paid. Girls care for younger siblings, perform household jobs and work in the fields with their brothers. The girls are trained to be good housewives and motherhood, together with behavioral pattern that are consistence with obedience, being ladylike and expected passive. A song sung by girl playing the game ( Dames, 1988).
The girls call you (so-and-so) to come close pleasant Gumbaz
(so-and-so) will not come, girls.
She is busy in needful work.
She is sewing her brother’s trousers.
She is sewing her father’s coat.
She is making a peg for her uncle’s bow.
She is embroidering a bodice for her mother.
She is making a close-fitting jacket for herself.

The education is a fundamental right that provides opportunities for socio-economic uplift. The girl child is deliberately denied and the future opportunity of to all development. The reasons associated with not educating girl child are financial constraints, early marriages, submissiveness, motherhood, and parental perception of education on women’s worldview. In absence of hired labour the girls, work at home and fields is of utmost importance and all considered the fact that eventually the girls have to get married and start their families. Where parents are enthusiastic about educating their daughters, they enroll their daughters in school but rarely allow them to complete their schooling. The grills study up to primary or middle level and get married. Sometimes girls are withdrawn from school after three or four years (when they have learned to write their names and able to read letter) to work, with preference for education given to boys. There is major gender disparity, in terms of more limited educational opportunities available for rural girls. Urban girls probably have benefited most from increased access to educational facilities.

Married Women
In Balochi, the wife called as “Banokh, Loghi, Halkh and Khad. Baloch behave to their wife well. Married women in the study of area carryout all types of work at home as well as outside that are required of mixed agro-pastoral economy. Apart from looking after the house, children and cattle, major portion of the agriculture is done by women who do planting, weeding, hoeing and harvesting and other indigenous Kasheedakari. Child rearing is also the responsibility of the women. There was dowry on marriage in tribal system but with the passage of time and spreading out of education in the society, the dowry system is discouraged. However in some areas father of bridegroom pay a bride price in the shape of Lab to the father of girl. Basically lab was to provide the social security to the girl. The parents of girl return back the money in shape of cloths, ornaments and other household items. However, exchange marriage is still prevailing in which brother and sister in the family may marry a sister and brother belonging to other family, no bride price is paid.
In the study of society monogamous, polygamous and polyandrous marriages are prevalent. There may be premature death, marital discard or infertility that threatens family continuation. Among some communities, it is socially expected and considered desirable that after to the death of her husband a women should marry her brother-in-law, but the women has the final say and she have right to refuse. She has also choice to marry any other person but mostly observed that she look after her kids and live with family of her late husband.
Divorce is uncommon among the Baloch society but practiced in urban areas and lower classes among whom it is given on trivial grounds, but seldom in the case of the dominant races. Both husband and wife possess the right of divorce. If the women desires divorce she loses her dower; if husband divorces her pay the “deferred haqmaher” amount (District Gazetteers, 2004).

Mother
Mother also plays a critical role in career building of her child, as mother best knows the capabilities, strengths and weaknesses in her kids and can better guide her children to choose the right profession. Mothers are the one who mould their children into bright, beautiful, pure and strong citizens. Mother in Baloch society is called “Mazh or mat”. Baloch mother have taken the responsibility of teaching their children moral principle and values. Through lullabies (loly), she teaches his son(s) and daughter(s) about the culture and tribal norms of life. In domestic affairs, the value of mother is as a king. Mother in Baloch society have strong hold decision making in the family affairs i.e. marriage of girls and boys. The son respects his mother a lot. Every kind of work is done by the advice of mother. If mother and wife quarrel, son stands by his mother, even though mother is at fault. Some lullabies (Hushabies) of mother for her boy and girl child is hereby indicated from the Book “ Popular Poetry of Baloches” M. Longworth Dames published by Balochi Academy, Quetta in 1988.
1. Hushaby to my little boy;
Sweet sleep to my son.
I will kill chicken and take of skin,
I must have a chicken’s skin.
I will make little skin bag of its legs and
Send it to my mother-in-law,
A bed of gasht-grass
I will spread in the shade of cliff.
A skin-bag full of yellow ghi,
And flesh of fat-tailed sheep,
Shall be the food of my son.
Hushaby baby;
May grow to be an old man.

2. Nazi has pitched her little tent near the boundaries of Gumbaz,
And the feathery tamarisk of Syahaf, Her grandfather’s grazing ground.
She calls to her father and her uncle, and her brother’s companions,
Fair to view, and her uncle’s tiger-like sons,
And her aunt’s well-trained children’s come all of you,
Into my tent, for the clouds have gathered overhead,
And perhaps your fine weapons and your quiver and arrows will be damp.
The shameless slave girls have gone away,
The cows have suckled their calves in the jungle,
And Gujar has driven away the herds of camels.
Lullaby, I sing to my little girl.

Common Women
Baloch is bashful nation and they respect the woman. If any male is going on the way and he sees any woman coming from opposite side, they put down their eyes. Baloch tribes consider it respectable to guard the respect of others. If any woman is in Bahot (refugee) of any tribe or person, they consider it their duty to guard her and its property. The history of Gohar (Bahot of Mir Chakar), the famous Baloch character during Chakar Khan Rind’s period which became the reason of Rind and Lashar 30 years historical feud and Sammi, a widow (Bahot of Doda, brother of Balach), becomes historical Balach and Bevargh long battle, are shows that there was respect of women and she right of personal property even in that medieval period for the women of Balochistan. Both women were living independently in the Baloch society when their property herds were killed and looted by a group of other tribal man, then long wars started for the consequences of hurting bahot.

Objectives;
Less work has been done on Baloch women’s role in the society. The authors took the challenge to document the role of Baloch women in the various spheres of life. The thematic concern of this study was to;
– Document the role of Baloch women in the society,
– Diagnose the women role in various sphere of practical life, and
– List the opportunities and problems encounter to them in their practical life.

Methodology

Prior to conduct the social survey, secondary resources were explored to know the status of a Baloch working women. In various stages of the study, Baloch working women were approached to know their point of view about their working environment, opportunities, experiences and finally list problems when a woman enter in a job.

Discussion
Baloch society generally contains nomadic, semi-nomadic and sedentary segments. Nomadism, which was one of the basic elements of Baloch socio-economic organization, retains its presence in Balochistan. Recent reports indicate that about 5% of the population in Pakistani in townships overlapping the old tribal structure of Baloch society. This Balochistan is living a mobile life. The other segment of Baloch society can be termed agro-pastoral nomads, which are roughly 15% of the population. The vast majority of contemporary Baloch live in the villages and small townships, which are scattered in the sparsely populated Balochistan. The recent development of agricultural infrastructure in several parts of Balochistan has produced a class of small feudal and small entrepreneurs in township overlapping the old tribal structure of Baloch society. This segment of society is increasingly absorbing the nomadic and semi-nomadic segments of the Baloch society as due political and ecological happening, their mode of survival is increasingly becoming untenable (Dashti, 2008).
Some working women are interviewed and they expressed that, they are facing troubles with their colleagues’ behavior. They pointed out that their colleagues who are not aware of Balochi culture and norms due to their urban background creating more troubles. It has been observed that a woman in tribal system is more protected than other societies. Combine or extended family system does not allow husband to humiliate his wife right. This is the moral responsibility of either household head or elder female members to intervene between them to solve the concern disagreement if any. Gradually this system is turn down considering many social and economic stresses.
The rapid changes and modernization in the structure of society not only bringing positive impacts but he is affecting and damaging constructive values, traditions and norms, prevails in Baloch society from the centuries, which are badly affecting the respect, honour and dignity of women. There is need of incorporation and promotion of constructive values, traditions and norms with recent rapid changes and protection of the status women in the light of historical role and importance of women.

Women’s Role in Political Sphere
There is a general perception about Baloch women that the Baloch man not allowed their wives to go outside and take part in any social, economical activities but this is not right perception. History shows that Baloch women are very much dynamic in all parts of their social life. Baloch women plays vigorous role in the history. When study the history there are so many Baloch women who were found in the social and political sphere. The role women’s empowerment for a just society was highlighted in the Beijing Conference (1995). Women in Baloch society were not only involved in the political affairs of Baloch rulers but they plays active role in the many battle field and led the battalion of tribal army from the centuries. Bibi Banari, the sister of Mir Chakar Khan, Chief of the Baloch tribes, led the battalion of tribal army in war against Dehli in late 15th century and won the throne for Mughal emperor Humayun (Mengal, 1968). Bibi Beebo the sister of Khan Mir Ahmad Khan, Khan of Kalat (1666-1696) during battle against Baruzai of Sibi, feels his brother is very tense after many unsuccessful attacks and ask for permission to play her role. She led the battalion of tribal army and attacked on her enemy and martyred near Dadhar during battle (Naseer, 2010). After some time of the martyred of Bibi Beebo, the daughter Mir Ahmad Khan, Bibi Bano led the tribal army and attacked on Baruzai of Sibi and won the war and occupied the fort of enemy. She was awarded title of Sherzal (brave women). Mother of Naseer Khan Azam (1750-1794) Bibi Maryam during the rule of her son led the women and with wife of other tribal elite took part in many battles. They treat the injured and supply arms and ration to the fighters in the battle field. Wife of Malik Deenar Khan Gichki, ruler of Makran, Bibi Roz Khatoon was a noble lady and took part in the many tribal battles with her husband (Aseer, 2005). After death of, Mir Pahar Khan, Sradar of Lasbella in 1742, his widow Bibi Chhaguli become ruler of State. However Jam Ali Khan was opposed her and tried to take over the state affairs but he becomes unsuccessful after many efforts and she rules on the state till her death in well manner (Lehri, 1955). Bibi Zainab was sister of Mir Mahmood Khan was a people loving and daring lady. She was against her brother’s policies and wants make Mir Mustafa Khan as a Khan of Kalat but her youngest brother Mir Muhammad Rahim was opposed her and killed Mustafa Khan. When she hear the sad news and together a big army at place Panjnama (Gandwah)and fight with him and killed Mir Mustafa Khan ( Naseer, 2010). Daughter of Khan Mehrab Khan, Bibi Allah Dini was chairs the Deewan (meeting) of tribal chiefs, advised them and decided the tribal feuds (Aseer, 2005).. Bibi Ganjan wife of Mir Mehrab Khan Shaheed was not only advisor of her husband but was his friend in the many battlefields and took part in many tribal wars as a comrade of her husband. She also took part in battle against British rulers on 13-11-1839 (Aseer, 1978). Bibi Mehnaz was daughter of Mir Azad Khan Nausherwani, Ruler of Kharan and married with Mir Naseer Khan II, Khan of Kalat. When 1857 Mir Naseer Khan was died and his brother Mir Khudadad Khan becomes ruler wants to marry with her, she refused to do so and goes to her father’s home at Kharan. After sometimes Mir Khudadad Khan suddenly attacked on Kharan with a big army of tribes. Ruler of Kharan when feels he is not capable to fight with him and goes to Afghanistan for help. But Bibi Mehnaz form her fort face the army of Khan of Kalat and on seventh day Khan of Kalat finally agreed for ceasefire (Aseer, 1978). Another Baloch woman Gul Bibi from Iranian border area also plays historical role, when 1916 Indian Government appointed General Dyer to curb the border baghawat. General Dyer with his tactics controls over on Baloch sardars and occupied on the forts. Gul Bibi wife of Shahsawar learned about control of General Dyer on Khawash Fort, she abuses her Sardar Jeeand and her husband on their loosing. She sent gift to General Dyer and meets with him, after talks she freed her husband and other prisoners ( Naseer, 1979).
Above indicated all women belongs to the rulers families and their efforts have been reported but I think there was large numbers of Baloch women, they plays major role but remain unknown in chapters of history. Women in Baloch society still playing important role in the social and political sphere and becomes part of upcoming history. This shows that women have more importance in public affairs and decision-making in Baloch society.

Women’s Role in Economic Sphere
In traditional societies which lack of market system, the business of everyday living is usually carried on gender division of labour (Illich, 1982). In the study of area, the division of labour is mainly between herding and agriculture. In all other tasks concerned with the rural life, such as handicrafts, house building, water collection, food and work on boundary walls, there is division between men’s and women’s work. However, the boundaries are not so clearly marked, as there is overlapping and deviations from rule. There as well as cases where rule is inflexible and times when changes.
Major portion of agriculture is done by the women who do planting, weeding, hoeing and harvesting in the fields adjacent to houses or far off fields. The other activities of women include looking after house activities, children and animals. Food processing and cooking is women’s job. It is the women who with assistance of children are largely responsible for the cattle, water, fuel and fodder. Women take care of feeding the livestock, cleaning the abodes and even in providing traditional care of diseases. They further involved in milking and milking process, poultry, and egg selling. This permits them considerable time away from home and village; they are free to talk to whom so ever they please, male or female, of the area. As a consequence, communication among women and between women is as high as it is among men.
The embroideries work of Baloch women are highly artistic and enjoy the considerable local and international reputation and source of earning of the women. A variety of pattern of embroidery is worked, and almost everyone wear some garments which has embroidery upon it. The parts of the dress which are generally embroidered are the front packet and sleeves of the pashk (women trouser), the end of men and women drawer, caps and coats. Shawls, Bed sheets and carpet badges are made. The needle work of Balochi women is very fine. There are several descriptions, which are known kantlo/katlo, kallah, Gagha, Adengo, Siho, bandola, bunhi, siahkash kopgo, Hasht Adengoen jeeg, Karch, Dahdari, Nagul, Zehgani Jamug, Cheeno, Kah yabooti, Charen Adeng, Lolowali, Zorka, Chum-o-srumag, mosam, kapogo mosam, Cheenuk or Daz, bakkali, tattuk, dagardoch, robar, chilko, pravez, pariwar, ohakan etc.
Baloch women are very strong and courageous in the handling of environmental imperatives as can be demonstrated in the trekking and work pattern under the several limitations of the harsh environment. Several studies dealing with pastoral societies indicates that the portion of women in such societies is not very high because the actual care of the livestock and handling of economic affairs is entirely a male domain. However, among some communities do not directly help in handling of livestock, they look after household work. Women play an important role in their household economy. They work in most operations of all sectors of the local economy and for the longer hours each day than man. In addition to the domestic and reproductive activities associated with household maintenance, they also collect and gather free goods especially fuel, fodder and water. Women operate effectively in most economic and social institutions, participating in the both local and migrant labour activities.
A young lady was approached to get her point of view on the subject. Actually she is working woman and supports her family. She mentioned that working women have certain problems while working in male dominated society and the same I am facing. Actually males have duel face; once he is in home, he pay respect his sister as sister, mother as mother and daughter as daughter as they deserve but away from house he thinks that every women is corrupt. They have little access to, and exercise limited control over resources; and few are free from threat and violence at the hands of their husbands. Working for wages is not necessarily an indicator of autonomy. It is further noticed that role of women in the economy was not considered at official level also. It is surprise to mention here that women’s contribution in GDP not indicated at all.

Women’s Role in Social Sphere
Role of Baloch women is not only of important in the economic activities, but her role in non-economic activities is equally important. Formation and continuity of family hearth and home is the domain of women. Women’s roles as wives, mother, and organizer are the basic foundations of other dimensions of social life have extreme importance. Among rural population, as men are out for pastoral duties, the socialization of children automatically becomes mother’s business, in the early years of their life. The role woman in child birth, funerals and fairs and festivals is an important part of rural life. In the Baloch society women are carrier of traditional information in the absence of written record. They are crucial actors in the preservation and dissemination of such knowledge. They are not only competent food producers and house makers but are transmitters of rich local oral traditions.
There is a large number of Baloch women are playing her role in social sphere as politician, educationist, doctor, engineer, journalist, anchor, social and development worker and taking part socio-economic development of Baloch society.

Women’s Role in literature Sphere
As stated in the quotation by C.S. Lewis, literature not only describes reality but also adds to it. Yes, literature is not merely a depiction of reality; it is rather a value-addition. Literary works are portrayals of the thinking patterns and social norms prevalent in society. They are a depiction of the different facets of common man’s life. Classical literary works serve as a food for thought and a tonic for imagination and creativity. Exposing an individual to good literary works, is equivalent to providing him/her with the finest of educational opportunities. On the other hand, the lack of exposure to classic literary works is equal to depriving an individual from an opportunity to grow as an individual in the society.

Literature plays a pivotal role in molding one’s thoughts, ideas and, above all, the way of life. It also helps in cultivating moderation and tolerance in the society. Similarly, literature available to a child leaves drastic impact on his/her mind and also help set the course of his/her future. Besides, it not only broadens the horizons of their imagination but also helps them in understanding their society. As, very well said by a wise man-“The mother’s lap is the first school for every child”. Baloch women have great contribution in the character building of child and literature, being mother she sing lullaby for son and daughter being grand-mother. She sings wedding songs. These are unrecognized contribution of Baloch women in the promotion of culture and literature at the initial level of life.
The loly (Lullaby) from of poetry is the function of female folk, and the versifier of lullaby, are therefore, mainly females. The art of poetry versification by the female folk is deemed most opprobrious in the Baloch society. We seldom hear the name of a Baloch poetess. It is through this branch of poetry ‘loly’ that poetess express her poetic instincts and ambitions, which are mainly devoted and dedicated to the newly born child. We can name this form of verse as the ‘poetry of cradle, foe when child is placed in the cradle, the mother starts singing lullaby. ‘Halo’ which is celebrated by the females of the family and tribe at the time of marriage ceremonies and festivals. The ‘ Halos’ are generally versified by women gifted with poetic art, and such, the names of versifiers of ‘halo’ and ‘Loly’ are unknown, unmentioned and unheeded. We reproduce a lullaby ‘ Loly’ which clearly manifests the burning zeal and impatient ambition of Baloch mother who pray for boon, regarding her infants son to become a great lover, a warrior and a highway man in the flower of life ( Baloch, 1984):

Alam Din, thou art of young man,
Dressed with white garments,
Fasten thine six war weapons,
The shield, musket and the dagger;
Gird the bow around thy shoulder,
Take the trenchant sword of Shiraz;
Beguile the youthful girls of Jat tribe,
Give them as gift the fine cloths of Dera Ghazi Khan;
Present them red-coloured cloths,
(Ask them) that ye will give them money in cash;
Feed thee with neat of young goat,
(Also) supply them sugar-candy brought from city;
When moon-faced girl of Jat feels pleased,
Then she will ask thee;
When the sun places it knees on earth (a little before sunset),
Bends on the top of the mountains,
(And) the stars shine in the darkness of the night;
(Then) at that time saddle thine sprightly horse,
Mount on the boastful steed;
Come near to my residence,
Tie the horse with the tree of tamarisk;
Sit and keep waiting under the tree,
When Punnun (her husband),
Starts going towards the cowshed;
Drives the buffaloes,
(And) the maid-servant, old and lean like saw,
Enjoy a full sleep;
Then slowly and step by step,
I will come to see thy graceful form and figure;
Will sit together with pleasing heart,
And pleasing manner,
When the morning star arises;
(Then) leave me to go away,
Perhaps the coward Punnun may come back,
Perchance the vulgar maid-servant too awake from sleep;
Ye should (then) return back to join the,
The graceful assembly of the Rinds,
The chief will send a messenger,
To bring the highway-man ‘Alam Din’;
I have to wage war against the bitter enemy,
The men of Dajal and Harrand;
We have to comb a formidable force,
Will array in fight thousands of our warriors;
Will ransack the headquarter of bloody enemy;
I sing lullaby for my son,
May god accept my prayers?

Hani, Mehnaz, Seemuk and Girannaz are not only major player in the Balochi literature but their poetry is evidence of their sadness. In the culture of previous era there were no prohibition and ban on women to express point of view through poetry. They were suitable environment regarding freely expression of their feelings (Buzdar, 2012). Lollaby, wedding songs and folk lore are a great literary creation of Baloch women, despite being part of tribal society; women of Balochistan have been expressing themselves through the medium of folk and wedding songs. Women want to raise their voice against the discriminatory attitude of tribal society, express her difficulties and negative attitude of society through her poetry. Role of the Baloch women i.e. Rabia Khuzdari, Hani, Simuk, Mehnaz, Saddo, Mehruk, Shireen, Bibi Khanun, Taj Bano, Bibi Gohar Malik,Umtul-Wajid, Neelam Momal, Abida Dashti, Ain Ain Dashti, Banul Dashtiari, Tahira Ehsas Jatak, Dr, Ambreen Menagal, Jahanara Tansum, Amna Yusf Maoj, Naela Qadri, Uzma Qadri, Naushen Qambrani, Saeeda Hassan, Mah Jabeen Baloch, Fouzia Baloch, Humera Sadaf, Sabeeha Karim, Mehlab Naseer in literature never been ignored.

Women’s Role in Health Sphere
Women have always been central in providing medical care, whether offering remedies in the home, nursing or acting as family healer and herbalist. The elderly women in Baloch household are often specialists in the knowledge and techniques of popular treatments. They have some knowledge of home remedies for numbers of problems. In sometime settlements, an elderly female of one household acts by default as the sole herbalist, masseur, and traditional midwife (Baluk) for the whole settlement. These women collect different wild herbs from the fields or surrounding jugle. Medicinal herbs are also acquired from the wandering herbalists, who trade raw medicines. These women healer transfer their expertise to their offspring or daughter-in-laws. The remedies used frequently at home could include herbs and plants that are easily available. Elaborate preparations for making home remedies (pounding, grinding, mixing and cooking) are also carried out by these elderly women. They often specialize in certain diseases for which they have specific treatments. Elderly women are also expert in extracting foreign bodies or fish bones and thorns from body. The majority of traditional midwives (Baluk) would also have knowledge of giving herbal medicine and massage (Dashti, 2008).

In practice, the herbalists working among the Baloch, besides administering medicinal herbs also use many animal extracts for treating their patients but the foundation of their knowledge is concerned with herbal therapy. An herbalist prepares medicines from various plant parts such as roots, shoots, bark, leaf, flower, seed, and fruit. The patient is also advised on diet. The herbalist makes a detail enquiry of the type of sickness or suffering from the patient. The color of eye and skin is checked. The herbalist also enquires from the patient type of food he or she consumed during the illness. Generally, all herbalists are expert masseurs. Use of mustard oil is common among the herbalist. Many of them also use pain- relieving ointments available at town chemist. (Dashti, 2008). Women are also involved in the traditional care livestock in the Baloch society.

Domestic Violence
Domestic violence can be defined as a pattern of behavior in any relationship that is used to gain or maintain power and control over an intimate partner. Abuse is physical, sexual, emotional, economic or psychological actions or threats of actions that influence another person. This includes any behavior that frightens, intimidate, terrorize, manipulate, hurt, humiliate, blame, injure or wound someone. Domestic violence can happen to anyone of any race, age, sexual orientation, religion or gender. It can happen to couples who are married, living together. Domestic violence affects people of all socioeconomic backgrounds and education levels.
It is reality that women in Baloch society work more than men and facilities are not available for them but study of Baloch women history is clarifying domestic violence is exist in Baloch society like other society but its shape is different because of values, tradition and norms of the society. Rapid changes in the structure of tribal society are increasing domestic violence like any other society.

Honor Killings
A form of gender-based violence, an honour killing is the homicide of a member of a family or social group by other members, due to the belief the victim has brought dishonor upon the family or community. The killing is viewed as a way to restore the reputation and honour of the family (Goldstein, Matthew 2002). Siah Kari (Honor Killing) is an act of murder, in which a person is killed for his or her actual or perceived immoral behavior. Such “immoral behavior” may take the form of alleged marital infidelity, refusal to submit to an arranged marriage, demanding a divorce, perceived flirtatious behaviour and being raped. Suspicion and accusations alone are many times enough to defile a family’s honour and therefore enough to warrant the killing of the woman.
History of honour killing in Baloch society indicated in the fifteenth and sisteenth century. The principle of Siahkari (honour killing) in its present form was not initially a part of Balochimayar. According to the epic poetry of the fifteenth and sixteenth century, Siahkari was punishable under the law of talaq (divorce). Many Baloch warrior poets were involved in adultery, which can be noticed from the war ballads. The Baloch society of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries was similar to European societies (Khan, 1987).According Arab writer Salman Tajir, honour killing is available in the Sindh from the early centuries. Discussing marriage traditions, he writes “If any man done adultery with a women, then both man and woman should be punished with the death penalty, it is mandatory in the whole country” (Memon, 1984). The limited cases of most honour killings is being reported from the southern parts of Balochistan bordering area with Sindh and Punjab, where large numbers of the cases are being reported in every year. Above mentioned statement indicating that the honour killing is transferred from the other surrounding societies in to Baloch society.

Conclusion
In order to appraise the social status of women in these diverse ecological areas, the findings have been divided into subsequent categories; (a) a girl; daughter, (b) mother, (c) married women and (d) common women, e) working women etc. Role of women not only of importance in economic activities, but her role in non-economic activities is equally important. The Baloch women work very hard, in some cases even more than men. However, in their own world women have a freedom, and self-expression. With the onset of developmental programmes economic changes are under way but Baloch women remains traditional in their dress, language, tools and resources. The Baloch women play very important and historical role in the field of politics, social, economy, literature, health etc.
Enrollment of female children in primary, middle, high, college and universities are enormously increasing in urban areas. Rural areas are still behind due to non-availability of girls schools in small villages. At present one can see that Baloch females are working in government and private sector. This improvement will bring healthier change in young generations.
Women’s role as wives, mother, and organizer are the basic foundation of other dimensions of social life has extreme importance. Among rural population, as men are out for pastoral duties, the socialization of children automatically becomes mother’s business, in the early years of their life. The role woman in child birth, funerals and fairs and festivals is an important part of rural life. In the Baloch society women are carrier of traditional information in the absence of written record.
This has been noticed while interviewing young females that working in offices are facing troubles with their colleagues’ behavior. Actually they are not aware of Balochi culture and norms due to their urban background. It has been observed that a woman in tribal system is more protected than other societies. Combine or extended family system does not allow husband to humiliate his wife right. This is the moral responsibility of either household head or elder female members to intervene between them to solve the concern disagreement if any. Gradually this system is turn down considering many social and economic stresses.
The structure of the Baloch society is being changing, due to emerging the population from nomadic to semi-nomadic and agro-pastoral. The rapid changes and modernization of society, not only bringing positive impacts but it is affecting and damaging constructive values, traditions and norms; prevails in Baloch society from the centuries, which are badly affecting the respect, honour and dignity of women. There is need of incorporation constructive values, traditions and norms with recent rapid changes, revival and promotion of their positive aspects and protection of the status women in the light of historical role and importance of women.

References
Asser Abdul Qadir Shahwani, 1978. Aeena-e-Kharan. Balochi Academy, Quetta: 125
Asser Abdul Qadir Shahwani, 1978. Balochi Dunya, Multan
Asser Abdul Qadir Shahwani, 2005. Dialy Jang, Quetta:05-03-2005
District Gazetteer, 2004. District Gazetteer Series. Directorate of Archives, Balochistan, Quetta
Goldstein, Matthew (2002). “The Biological Roots of Heat-of-Passion Crimes and Honor Killings”. Politics and the Life Sciences 21 (2): 31
Illich, I 1982, Gender. Pantheon Books, New York
Innayatullah Khan, 1987. The problems of greater Balochistan. Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden GMBH, Stuttgart.
M. L. Dames, 1988. Popular Poetries of the Baloches. Balochi Acedemy, Quetta:184
Mehmood. A. Shah, 2008. Aapbeeti Balochistan Beeti. Classic Publishers, Lahore.:214
Memon Abdul Hameed Sindhi, 1987. Sindh je Tarikh ja wikhrial warq. Mehran Academy, Karachi:68
Mir Gul Khan Naseer, 1990. Balochistan ki Kahani Shairon Ki Zibani. Balochi Academy, Quetta: 257
Mir Gul Khan Naseer, 1990. Balochistan ke Srahadi Chapamar. Mr. Reprints, Quetta:172-181
Mir Gul Khan Naseer, 2010. Tarikh-e-Balochistan. Kalat Publishers, Quetta: 20-21/117
Malik Muhmmad Saleh Lehri, 1955. Balochistan One unit Se Pehle, Faizullah Khan Baloch, Quetta:168
Muhammad Sardar Khan, 1988. Literary History of Balochis. Balochi Academy, Quetta,: 474-481
Naseer Dashti, 2008. The Cultural context of Health: A Baloch Perspective. Balochi Academy, Quetta, p. 137-138.
Shafiq,M., 2008. Analysis of the role of women in livestock of Balochistan. Pakistan. J. Agri. Soc.Sci.,4:18-22
Wahid Buzdar, 2012. Mahtak Balochi, July, 2012: 11

………………………
Published: Hanken Volume, N0. 4, 2012, ISSN: 2070-5573, Annual Research Journal of Department of Balochi, University of Balochistan, Quetta

 
Comments Off

Posted by on November 18, 2013 in Baloch Culture

 

Zikri rituals in Harar, Ethiopia

By: Dr. Simone Tarsitani

 

View of Harar

View of Harar

Introduction to zikri rituals
Zikri is the Harari word for the Arabic “dhikr” and refers to an exercise (typical of Sufism), which consists of the repetition of the name of God in order to receive his blessing. The rituals performed in the city of Harar, important centre of Islamic learning in Ethiopia, are derived from the influence of Sufi orders, widespread in the Islamized areas of the Horn of Africa. However, the cult of saints in Harar developed particular beliefs and rules that go beyond the discipline of Sufi orders and zikri rituals can be considered an original expression and one of the unique elements of the culture of this town. The wide repertoire of texts written in the local language, the sung melodies and their rhythmic accompaniment, the ritual and social function of their performance developed distinctive characteristics. Historically and contemporaneously, zikri rituals have permeated Harari life and the repertoire of songs has expanded beyond its origin of liturgical hymns, to become one of the facets of Harari identity.

Zikri is a devotional activity characterized by hymns praising Allah, the Prophet and the Saints. The singing usually follows a responsorial structure lead by a shaykh and accompanied by drums (karabu) and wooden sticks (kabal). The term zikri in Harar means not only the chanting and its ritual context, but also the single devotional song performed in the zikri ritual. What is commonly referred to as ‘zikri ritual’ can comprise slightly different kinds of practices. The most common features consist in the reading of suras from the Quran, recital of prayers, singing of zikri songs, prolonged consumption of khat leaves, tea and coffee, all concluded by a shared blessed meal. Great importance in Harar is given to the Mawlūd, a sacred book widespread in Islamic world, which contains the poetic narration in prose and verses of the birth of the Prophet. In Harar there developed a peculiar ceremony (here described as Mawlūd recital) for the reading of this sacred text, which includes the performance of zikri songs.

Shaykh during performance of a zikri ritual

Shaykh during performance of a zikri ritual

Cultural, historical and religious considerations can highlight the role that this practice has today. In recent history, the ritual traditions have been challenged by the restrictions imposed by the Christian Empire and later by the ruling Derg military regime. More recently the reformist action of Wahabiyya, especially influent during the 1980s and 1990s, accused the ritual activities at the shrine of being un-Islamic and promoted to establish more orthodox customs. Despite all the historical vicissitudes, Harari rituals are still practiced and, over the last ten years, has been revived in the daily life and especially in the major festivities collective celebrations, becoming, more than ever before, a major symbol of the cultural identity of the community.

Places, occasions and forms of the rituals

Harari rituals are performed in a variety of places, including the numerous local Muslim shrines, local worship places called Nabi gār (literally “House of the Prophet”), private houses and public spaces. It is possible to distinguish two main ritual forms: the zikri ritual and the Mawlūd recital, associated to several different occasions. In the Nabi gār and in the most important shrines, gatherings are held on a weekly base, mostly during the night between Thursday and Friday, at the beginning of the day devoted to prayer in Islam. Rituals are also organized whenever pilgrims pay a visit (ziyara) to a holy place. All the major festivities of the Islamic calendar are celebrated with zikri rituals or Mawlūd recitals. Furthermore, Mawlūd recitals are typically performed on Sunday morning, during the celebration of weddings. Finally, specific zikri rituals, called amuta karabu, are after a funeral.

Participants and drum players during a zikri ritual

Participants and drum players during a zikri ritual

The Nabi gār is a very distinctive devotional place. It is usually built beside a shrine and a Koranic school. Nabi gār have an important value as places of gatherings. Anyone can attend zikri rituals with no distinction of social status and limited distinctions based on gender. The most common and recognised form of zikri ritual takes place here on Friday eves. It is in the Nabi gār that Harari zikri songs were developed in their highest and original form, becoming an important instrument of devotion and, through their lyrics, a way to learn religion. The zikri repertoire accompanied by rhythms that are unique of this city probably developed inside the Nabi gār to fulfil teaching needs. Still today, in the Nabi gār it is possible to find some of the best zikri singers and karabu players.

The most important rituals in Harar are based on the reading of the Mawlūd, the sacred text about the birth of the Prophet. Even if there are slight variations according to groups, places and occasions, it is possible to describe the most common features of Mawlūd recitals in Harar. After selected passages from the Koran, including the first sura al-Fātihah, sura 36 Yā-Sīn, and sura 67 Tabāraka (or al-Mulk), the reading of the Mawlūd text is alternated with the performance of zikri songs; the ritual is concluded by a shared blessed meal. Mawlūd recital is an essential part of Harari wedding celebration and is typically organised during the morning of Sunday. The reading of the Koran usually starts between 08:00 and 09:00. The recital of the Mawlūd text begins between 09:00 and 10:00 and typically ends around noon, when, after a blessing for the bridegroom, the wedding lunch is served. During the singing of zikri , most of the assembly stands and some of the men dance in a circle, joined at some point by the bridegroom. The zikri performance is considered by many one of the most intense moments and, in order to make it successful, many families invite well-reputed zikri singers to the ceremony.

There is a peculiar form of zikri ritual, called amuta karabu , which is performed during the mourning time that follows a funeral. A shaykh is invited to the mourning house where all the women of the family’s neighbourhood association ( afocha ) are sitting together. He sings for them and with them a specific repertoire of hymns with texts pertaining to death and afterlife, together with some of the ordinary zikri. The ritual takes place in the morning hours, for two or three days.

Musical elements

The religious poems performed as zikri songs form a wide selection. Most of them come from a centuries-old tradition and their texts are written in manuscripts, often hand-copied by older religious men. The body of texts, in Arabic, Harari, and other local languages, despite being largely formulaic and referring to a widespread tradition of mystical literature, was developed significantly by local authors.

Karabu

Karabu

The responsorial structure of these songs is given by a solo voice, usually the conductor of the ritual, and by the assembly of participants. The texts themselves, chanted by the leading voice, are rather long and their performance may last up to almost one hour. The chanting is accompanied by two percussion instruments: karabu and kabal. Karabu is a kettledrum made from a bowl of wood that is covered at the top with cow or goat hide. It is played by hand or with two wooden sticks, usually wrapped at the top with a piece of fabric. Every important Muslim shrine in Harar keeps at least two drums for the ceremonies. Kabal are handheld wooden blocks that are clapped together by any of the participants in a zikri ritual.

The accompaniment to the singing is made according to three main rhythmic models.

The qasida karabu is based on a binary form, which consists of a continuous alternation of a high-pitched and a low-pitched beat. The qasida karabu is the most common beat and is often used for dancing.

Figure 1: Qasida karabu rhythm
Audio example

http://www.open.ac.uk/Arts/music/zikri/audio/01QasidaKarabu.mp3

The quč quč is a binary form too. Here the high pitched beat can last double than the low pitched one, generating accents that usually follow those of the text. The percussive part stops when the solo voice is singing.

Figure 2: Quč quč rhythm
Audio example

http://www.open.ac.uk/Arts/music/zikri/audio/02QucQuc.mp3

The harat chāla is a more complex model generated by combinations of four different patterns, this combination depending apparently on the organization of the text. The combination of these patterns is always repeated in the same way and it usually lasts as long as the whole refrain; during the solo singing, the percussive part stops.

Figure 3: Harat chala rhythm
Audio example

http://www.open.ac.uk/Arts/music/zikri/audio/03HaratChala.mp3

While the qasida karabu is played continuously and is suitable for dancing, the quč quč and the harat chāla , characterized by the interruption of the rhythmic part during the solo sung section, allow the participants to follow more carefully the meaning of the text sung by the main singer. The second and the third rhythmic models seem to be peculiar of the Harari performance tradition.

Kabal

Kabal

Systematic analysis of the zikri songs performed in Harar showed that the style of Harari chanting is usually strictly syllabic and does not present significant melodic ornamentation. Most of the melodies of the songs are based on varying ranges of a diatonic scale and they belong to three different modes, according to the pitch of their ending note.

Modes of Harari zikri melodies
Not available

Selected bibliography on zikri rituals

Banti, G. 2005 “Remarks about the orthography of the earliest c ajam ī texts in Harari” in S. M. Bernardini & N. Tornesello (eds.), Scritti in onore di Giovanni M. D’Erme, vol. I, Napoli, Università degli Studi di Napoli “L’Orientale”, pp. 75-102.

Bekele, Z. 1987 Music in the Horn… A preliminary analytical approach to the study of Ethiopian Music, Stockholm.

Braukamper, U. 1980 Islamicization and Muslim Shrines of the Harar Plateau, Addis Ababa, Addis Ababa University.

Braukamper, U. 1984 “Notes on the Islamicization and the Muslim shrines of the Harar Plateau” in Thomas Labahn (ed.), Proceedings of the Second International Congress of Somali Studies (University of Hamburg, August 1-6, 1983), vol. 2, Hamburg, pp. 145-174.

Cerulli E. 1936 Studi Etiopici. La lingua e la storia di Harar, Roma, Istituto per L’Oriente.

Cerulli E. 1971 L’Islam di ieri e di oggi, Pubblicazioni dell’Istituto per l’Oriente, vol. 64, Roma, Istituto per l’Oriente.

Foucher, E. 1988 Names of Muslimans venerated in Harar and its surroundings. A list, Zeitschrifder Deutschen Morgenlandiscen Gesellschaft, Stuttgart, pp. 263-282.

Foucher, E. 1994 “The cult of Muslim Saints in Harar: Religious Dimension” in Zewde B., Pankhurst R. & Beyene T. (eds.) Proceedings of the 11th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, vol. II, Addis Ababa, Institute of Ethiopian Studies, pp. 71-83.

Gibb, C. 1996 In the city of Saints: Religion, Politics and Gender in Harar, Ethiopia, PhD Thesis, University of Oxford.

Gibb, C. 1998a “Sharing the Faith. Religion and Ethnicity in the city of Harar” in Horn of Africa, vol.16, pp. 144-162.

Gibb, C. 1998b “Constructing past and present in Harar. Ethiopia in a broader perspective” in Proceedings of the XII International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, vol. 2, pp. 378-390.

Gibb, C. 1999 “Baraka without borders: integrating communities in the city of Saints” in Journal of Religion in Africa, vol. 29, pp. 88-108.

Gori A., Bianchini R., Mohamud K.A. & Maimone F. 2003 Cultural Heritage of Harar. Mosques, Islamic Holy Graves and Traditional Houses. A comprehensive Map, CIRPS and Harari People National Regional State.

Tarsitani, S., 2007-2008 
“ Mawlūd: celebrating the birth of the Prophet in Islamic religious festivals and wedding ceremonies in Harar, Ethiopia” in Annales d’Ethiopie Vol. XXIII, Addis Ababa, French Center of Ethiopian Studies (CFEE), pp. 153-176.

Tarsitani, S., 2007a 
“Kabal” in Encyclopaedia Aethiopica Vol. 3, edited by Sigbert Uhlig, Wiesbaden, Harassowitz Verlag, p. 311.

Tarsitani, S., 2007b 
“Karabu” in Encyclopaedia Aethiopica Vol. 3, edited by Sigbert Uhlig, Wiesbaden, Harassowitz Verlag, pp. 341-342.

Tarsitani, S., 2007c 
“Mawlid in Harar” in Encyclopaedia Aethiopica Vol. 3, edited by Sigbert Uhlig, Wiesbaden, Harassowitz Verlag, pp. 879-880.

Tarsitani, S., 2006a 
“Musica religiosa islamica a Harar (Etiopia): i rituali di zikri ” (Islamic religious music in Harar, Ethiopia. Zikri rituals – article with audio and video examples on attached DVD), EM Rivista degli Archivi di Etnomusicologia, 2, Accademia Nazionale di Santa Cecilia, pp. 127-148.

Tarsitani, S., 2006b 
“Zikri Rituals in Harar: a Musical Analysis”, Proceedings of the XVth International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, Hamburg, pp. 478-484.

Tarsitani, S., 2005 
“Dhikr in Harar” in Encyclopaedia Aethiopica Vol. 2, edited by Sigbert Uhlig, Wiesbaden, Harassowitz Verlag, pp. 158-159.

Trimingham, J.S. 1952 Islam in Ethiopia, London, Frank Cass & Co.

Wagner, E. 1973 “Eine Liste der Heiligen von Harar” in Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, Band 123, Wiesbaden, Kommissionsverlag Franz Steiner GMBH, pp. 269-292.

Wagner, E. 1975 “Arabische Heiligenlieder aus Harar” in Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, Leipzig – Wiesbaden – Stuttgart, pp. 28-65.

Waldron, S.R. 1975 Within the Wall and Beyond: Harari Ethnic identity and its future, History Society of Ethiopia, The History and culture of the peoples of Harar province (mimeograph).

Waldron, S.R. 1984 “Harari” in Weekes R. V. (ed.), Muslim Peoples: a world Ethnographic Survey vol. 1, London, Aldrich Press, pp. 313-319.

Zekaria, A. 2003 “Some remarks on the Shrines of Harar”, in Krupp & Hirsch (eds.), Saints, Hagiography and History in Africa, Frankfurt, Peter Lang, pp. 19-29.

 
Comments Off

Posted by on October 14, 2013 in Baloch Culture

 

Clothing of People in Sistan during Parthian Period with Reference to the Frescos of Koh-E Khajeh

Scholars:
Dr. Reza Mehrafarin
Associate Professor
Archaeology Department
Sistan & Baluchistan University.

Zoheir Vasegh Abbasi
M.A Graduate of Archeology
Sistan & Baluchistan University.

Mojtaba Saadatiyan
M.A Graduate of Archaeology
Sistan & Baluchistan University.

Abstract
Covering the body against various natural factors (heat, coldness, and wind) as well as doctrine, cultural, and social factors has been prevalent since old ages and with the passage of time and changes of conditions it has undergone many alterations and transformations. Iranian clothing in Parthian period following the conquest of Iran by Alexander the Macedonian and due to the effects of Hellenistic beliefs and culture has been transformed in a way that in addition to protecting the body against the natural factors and observing ethical and cultural issues, aesthetical element, shape, and color of garment have been highly considered too.
With respect to the wide territory of the Parthian dynasty, this period are divided into two extensive groups of the eastern and western territories which are different to some extent from the artistic aspect. Sistan, in the east of Iran, by having abundant works remained from Parthian period, particularlyPalace of Koh-e Khajeh,represents the special Iranians’ culture of clothing in the eastern territory. Through investigating the frescos in the Palace of Koh-e Khajeh, one can realize the different types of common clothing in this region and the neighboring areas during the Parthian period; and also, we can specify the extent to which Greek clothing has affected the clothing during the Parthian period and then it helps to differentiate it from the local and native garments.
Investigating and study of frescos in the Palace of Koh-e Khajeh suggest that its inhabitants’ clothing in addition to imitating the color and form of Greeks’ clothinghas been also influenced by natural and local factors of the region and religious beliefs.

Introduction
Overthrow of the Achaemenian dynasty which occurred by the invasion of Alexander the Macedonian to Iran and defeating Darush III in 333 B.C, resulted in the expansion and penetration of Greek art and civilization in Iran (Kokh,2000:244). Alexander and his successors, Seleucids, in order to govern their extensive and wide Empire needed to Hellenize the Iranians, this could create a sense of cultural and doctorine unity among the Iranian and Greek tribes and as a result, prevent the Iranians’ revolt against the Greeks. Marriage of Greek solders and generals with Iranian girls and women, training Iranian solders with Greek war methods and clothing them with garments of the Greek army, constructing police in the Iranian strategic areas and immigration of Greek families to these polices, accommodation of blue-bloods and feudal families of Iran in these polices, building Greek temples in various parts of Iran, and spreading the Greek belief and mythical culture were part of their policy to Hellenize the Iranians. This policy of the Greeks caused their culture and civilization to penetrate into most aspects of the Iranian life: so that, its effects can be clearly observed in the architecture and art of the ancient Iran. Despite this, in 255 B.C, one of the Iranian tribes called Parthian in the northeast of Iran arose against the Greeks and in a short time they could get out an extensive part of the Iranian eastern regions from the Greeks’ hands.
Therefore, they created one of the pre-Islamic dynasties in Iran which lasted about 500 years (from 255 B.C to 224 A.D). This reign replaced many elements of the eastern Iranians’ life with the previous period namely Achaemanians, particularly their clothing. Their remained traces can be observed and investigated in the Frescos, reliefs, figures, coins, stamps, and etc.
The Parthian people in addition to using the Iranian local tradition (Persian), at first were highly influenced by the Greek culture, but by passage of time, the Iranian and Greek culture were blended and a new culture with definitely Iranian properties was emerged. One of the highly important regions of Parthian Empire was Sistan which was located in the east of the country (map. 1). In early 2nd century B.C, Sistan state (Dernigiana) was conquered by the western Greeks and Seleucids lost their domination in that region. This event occurred during the reign of Demetrius I. He started some activities in order to expand his territory towards the south of Hindu and northwest of India and made the states of Arakhozia and Dernigiana (Sistan)as parts of his Empire. Dominance of Greeks on Sistan lasted till about 145 B.C. In this year, Mehrdad I, the Parthian king, conquered Sistan and demolished the remains of the western Greek reign in his borders in about 139 B.C (Mehrafarin,2012:128).

Palace of Koh-e Khajeh and its Frescos

In the centre of Sistan and at the heart of the Hamoon Lake, there is a small mountain with the width of 2 km andheight of 120 m called Koh-e Khajeh whose distance from the city of Zabol, center of Sistan, is nearly 30 km. This mountain is considered as one of the important historical sites in this region whose specific location has resulted in the construction of many significant monuments on its flat surface and steep hillsidesince the ancient times (Fig. 1).
According to the archeological excavations performed on the surface and hillside of this mountain, some traces of Parthian, Sasanian, and Islamic periods have been identified in it (Mehrafarin et al.). One of the most important buildings of this black and basalticmountain is the Palace of Koh-e Khajeh on the eastern hillside. This palace is also known as Kaferoon castle and GhahghaheyShahr.
The first serious step to identify this work was taken by a Hungarian archeologist called Orell Stein who visited this place in 1915; and he published a primary report in 1916, and then in 1928, published a thorough report along with some pictures of the paintings existed in the main citadel (Kaferoon castle) in his famous work called “Deep in Asia” (Stein،1928). Duringhis excavation on this building, Stein cut out some pieces of the frescosand sent them to the New Delhi museum (Faccenna,1981:87).Ernest Hartsfield, the German scholar and archeologist during the years 1925 and 1929 excavated and investigated this monument, but unfortunately the complete report of these excavations was never published and information which is available about his excavations in Koh-e Khajeh has been derived from his papers and books onvarious subjects related to the history of the Iranian culture and civilization (Hartsfield,2002:297-300). He has cut out some of the paintings from this building two pieces of which are now kept in the Metropolitan museum. Palace of Koh-e Khajehinvolves a fence, two entrances, porch, veranda, and a long chamber which is believed to have some beautiful decorations according to the existing reports. In the northern parts of the yard, there is a stairway which make possible to access the structures in the northern part of the palace. In the northern section, there is a roofed long and narrow hall with dimensions of 2.5×50 m that according to Stein and Hartsfield’s reports all of which had had frescosand so, due to this reason it has been called a painting gallery. Unfortunately, many of these frescoshave been disappeared and the remains are maintained in foreign museums. In order to recognize the Parthian clothing and restructuring the garments of people of Sistan and their rulers during the B.C centuries, frescos obtained from Koh-e Khajeh and the designs which are now available will be used here. Few archeological excavations of Koh-e Khajeh indicated that this place in addition to its unique brick
architecture has had wonderful decorations too. This issue adds to artistic significance of this place. Frescos, stucco-work, clay reliefs, vault and arch, treasure and pesto, half-round column and etc. are considered as the decoration elements of this palace. Among these decorations, the frescos collection has been noticed more than the other artistic subjects and till the present time, investigators with their special purposes have researched on this field.

Color and Design in the Parthian Period

In the Parthian period, coloring and painting was expanded a lot and colors were generally pure and bright and shiny. Illustration (visual) narrative in painting can be seen in the frescosof the Parthian period for the first time;so that works of this type have been discovered in Dora-Oropus in Syria and in the Palace of Koh-e Khajeh Complex in Sistan of Iran. In the Parthian frescos of Koh-e Khajeh, mostly, mineral pigments (Batter, 2010, 333) have been used. In the early periods of the Parthian dynasty, they had been integrated with Greek naturalism and in the late Parthian periods it has been replaced with frescoswith level (flat) compositions, full-face an multi-piece (Yung et al, 2006:160).
Proportion and beauty of colors are impressive and paintings are without shade but the colors have harmony and coordination. Colors which are observed more than other colors on the frescosinclude: brown, orange, pink, red, purple, violet, green, turquoise cross, and white. Respecting the type of application of the building, the paintingsare also varied. Ritual-religious designs, imperial Glory, vulgar scenes (ordinary people, musicians, tightrope walkers, solders, hunting, collective escape of animals and etc) constitute the most main subjects of frescosin this
period.

Frescosof Koh-e Khajeh in Sistan

According to the objective of the present study which deals with the investigation of people’s clothing in Sistan during the Parthian period, it is inevitable to study the paintings obtained from the Palace of Koh-e Khajeh in order meet this aim;because till the present time no other artistic element like human statue, relief and etc has not been discovered in Sistan region that represents people’s clothing in the intended region.
One of the features of the Parthian art is fresco. The significant example of this art which has been probably borrowed from Greeks has been realized on plaster (stucco). One of the most outstanding examples of this art related to the Parthian period can be seen in the Palace of Koh-e Khajeh in Sistan. In the long corridor of this palace, colorful remains that have been influenced by the westernare observed (Sarfaraz and Firouzmani, 2007:218). The most important scenes obtained from this place are as follows:
1. Quadrangular Frames insides of which have decorated by beautiful lily flowers or acanthus.
2. Riding on horse (Fig.2)
3. Riding on panther; probably Aurous, the god of love in Greek mythology (Fig.3)
4. Banquet scene (musician, dancer and tightrope walker)
5. Picture of king and queen (Fig. 4)
6. Effigy of three gods (Fig.5)
7. Collective picture of some people standing beside each other and some of which are holding flower or loop (Fig.6)
8. Single portrait of a young person without beard (Fig.7)
9. Single portrait of a man with beard and a branch of olive (Fig.8)
10. Portrait of a young female piper (Fig. 9)
11. Portrait of a man with a crescent on his head and light halo (Fig.10)
Fresco’s motifs of the Palace of Koh-e Khajeh can be classified into three categories: a. human motifs b.
vegetative motifs c. animal motifs. In order to recognize the clothingof the people in this period, human motifs should be mentioned. However, before this, one issue must be notice that clothing of people attending these frescos does not indicate the clothing of people of Sistan during this period. Because based on the historical and artistic studies, many of the motifs, figurative (figures) of individuals and their clothing are not Iranian and they have been affected by the western-Greek culture. Two riders that one of them is riding a horse and the other one is riding a panther, according to Hartsfield, narrate the Greek mythology. Hartsfield believes them to represent “Aurous Effigies of three gods that are beside each other and their faces have been displayed in a three-quarter side view and one of them is wearing a winged hat (Fig. 5); in Greek art, represents Hermes. This symbol here has three wings and it is the sign of war god (Hartsfield, 2002:302).
The collective painting of five people who are positioning parallel to each other and some of them are holding flower or loop (Fig. 6), reminds the motifs of Sasanian period. Picture of king and queen (Fig.4) by three gods (Fig.5) attract the attention more than other paintings in the collection of painting galleries. In the picture of king and queen, the natural and free posture of the individuals and beautiful curvature of the queen’s body is considerable and inclination of the empress’s figure is an excuse to express a sensational state. Subject of this design contradicts with Achaemenian designs. The eastern style in which the man’s head has a side view and his body has a full side view has been more significantly observed in this picture; here, face pattern which is drawn by simple lines changes its natural make-up to a decorative design (Girshman, 2000:42).
Two portraits of the beard man with an olive branch in his headband and the young man without beard with almond eyes and arch-shaped long eyebrows (Figs. 7 & 8), reflects the combination of two eastern and Greek cultures and in the single designs it is observed that the spear has three heads (Fig. 11); this design for western people is the symbol of “Poseidon”, the ruler of waters; but here, it is the symbol of “Shiva”, the Indian god (Hartsfield 2002:302). The image of people who are attending a banquet and one of them is playing the music, another one is dancing while a tightrope walker is standing on his head (Fig.12) belongs to the typical Greek style (Hartsfield, 1975:124).
In the hall’s ceiling (painting gallery), some paintings have been obtained which have been framed wholly and in every other frame, there is a vegetative decoration design and in the next frame, a human image has been placed; however, since they have been destructed, the clothing designs cannot be restructured and only their general shape is observed. In these paintings, individuals’ heads have side views and their bodies are represented in a full view; i.e. the eastern style has been observed more (Ghadyani, 2005: 200).
Frescos of the Palace of Koh-e Khajeh had been more than what Stein and Hartsfield have introduced. Most of these paintings have been covered and destructed during constructions in subsequent periods. Remains of these designs (paintings) have been demolished to a much extent by the red bees in Sistan that make nests among the clayey walls and also climatic factors (wind and rain) and human factors. However, it is likely that by archeological excavations (investigations) in the future more designs can be obtained from there, mentioning that discovering other traces representing people and their clothing would not be cancelled.

Clothing of People in Sistan during the Parthian Period

There is not much information and data about the clothing of common people. Because the role of these people in artistic works had not been so important, perhaps it can be guessed that the clothing of peasants had been the same traditional garment which has been prevalent during the history till the contemporary era (Aghajani, 2009:58).
The clothing of the Parthianis classified into four categories that each of which can be divided into smaller groups as follow:

1. Headgears
The Parthian people instead of a hat, used to fasten something like a headband around their heads that from two ends led to a long strip and they placed a deep crown which was special for Achaemenian kings on their heads (same: 58-59). Sikes also mentions that, the Parthian people used to bind something like strip around their heads instead of hat. (Mehrasa, 2008:168). Head cover in the Parthian period was itself divided into smaller groups including: crown, headband, hat, shawl and etc. Crown was special for blue-bloods and grandees and it had no status among the ordinary people, according to the paintings obtained from Koh-e Khajeh, headband and hat had been widely used in this region. In this part, only three types of head covers in the frescos of Koh-e Khajeh will be mentioned.
Picture of king and queen: the king’s crown resembles the Medians’ hat. Only differs in the way that it has lower height and is decorated by diamond-shape geometric shapes, this hat is very similar to the contemporary felt hats A cylinder-shape crown is seen on the queen’s head and in front of the hat and on her hair, there is a headband which has a four-plume shape and a symbol of sun can be seen in the middle of it which represents majesty and greatness (Tab. 1, No. 2). Picture of three gods: in this painting, three individuals are observed; the person on the right side is wearing a winged-hat which in the Greek culture represents Hermes, this half-round hat has two white wings and probably it has had a blue color (Tab. 1, No. 3). The side view of a man which has been extremely destructed is one of the other paintings of this gallery who has a headband. Probably, the headband of this person had had a tail, but due to serious destruction, nothing can be observed; the headband has been simple and ordinary people could use it (Tab. 1, No.4). In some of the other paintings which have been extremely destructed, this type of headband can be seen.

2. Shirt
The Parthian people used to have a shirt that lower part of which had been very loose from waistline downward and occasionally armpits and it had not been suitable for formal works and used only for horse riding (Saeedian,1996:75). The material of the clothes varied depending on the region and climate; in the eastern parts of the empire, due to the hot weather thin cloths had been used for sewing the garments. However, these clothing had not been suitable for farmers and laborers at all (Kalej,2001:81) so, they used to wear short clothes while fighting (Mehrin,1964:80). In the picture of the king and queen, the king’s garment has some beautiful ornamentation on the collar and sleeves(Tab. 2, No. 5). The reason for the garment to be loose was due to the heat existed in the region. Loose clothes could cause the movement of air flow on the body and prevent sweating.
Shirts can be divided into two groups of men’s shirts and women’s dress; men usually used to wear a long
costumes that an open mantle was occasionally worn under it that was put on alone (Ghavami,2004:78). Men’s shirts typically had bright colors as a remedy against the burning sun and hot weather, these loose shirts had long sleeves, straight upper part and plain collars (Tab. 2, No. 6) and the skirt of the shirt had plenty of folds.
In short, the Parthian women’s clothing can be described as a long, bulky dress which was pleated to the ankles, sleeved and with straight collar that was constringed on the waistline and sometimes, a shorter low-necked shirt was worn on it (Matin,2007:25). The underside dress was pleated, looser and longer than the second dress and it was dragged on the ground, its very tight and loose sleeves were constringed by a strip under the bosom and as a result, the entire pleated clothes were concentrated on the body and they used to wear a vial on these two dresses (Ziapour,1999:11). This type of dress had not been probably used in this region and a special kind of dress can be observed in Koh-e Khajeh: a dress without sleeves having narrow shoulder-high that were connected to each other two by two by a button or buckle and its collar is completely open (Tab. 2, No. 7), it is likely that, this type of dress had been remained in Iran influenced by Hellenism, since its equivalent has not been observed in Iran beforethe arrival of Greeks.

3. Pants
The Parthian pants are well-known due to their looseness and having abundant pleats (Matin,2004:22) and some people believe that, these pants had been worn like leather leggings to protect the legs while horseback riding.
Although in the frescos of Koh-e Khajeh the lower parts of the body have been rarely considered, according to the paintings obtained from the god of love (Aurous) who is seen riding (Figs. 2 & 3), pants of this region can be imagined as having many pleats. Ziapour, referring to the written documents and works of great scholars argues that: the Parthian people’s pans are very similar to today’s pants that are worn by people in the east of Iran (Khorasan and Sisatn), these trousers are consisted of two stalks with a broad band girdle and the pant were become tight at the lower part of two stalks on the place of ankles (Ziapour,1999:11).

4. Footgear
Our information about footgear is very insufficient, because in the paintings of the Parthian period, more attention has been given to the upper parts of the body. This tradition is also seen in the frescos of Koh-e Khajeh and only in two cases the foot gear can be observed; one is Aurous riding a horse and another his riding a pantheon that these two paintings would not give much information about this clothing due to severe destruction in the feet part.

Referring to the frescos of Dora-Uropostemple, it can be concluded that foot gears of people in Sistan Conclusion After investigating the history of Iran during the Parthian period, this era can be divided into three main parts. In the first period, which lasted about one hundred years, the Parthian people dealt with strength ening the foundations of their young government. The second period, in which the kings introduced themselves as adherents of Greece and were highly influenced by the Greek art the third period is the superiority of the Iranian art over the Greek ones and considered as a return to the traditional customs. The Parthian tribes entered to Iran from the east parts and after overcoming the Seleucid government, they established a big empire; and gradually, the Iranian culture and civilization dominated the Greek culture.
Frescos of Koh-e Khajeh related to the first century A.D, can apparently display the design and color of people’s clothing and enough attention has been pertained to the details of clothing, artists’ attention; this focus on demonstrating the details is mainly an eastern inclination. Parthian artists have had high tendency to show the details, appearance and clothing that their goal of displaying these details has been to represent the governmental or social authorities. With respect to the fact that Koh-e Khajeh belongs to the third period of the Parthian dynasty and it is located on the eastern borders, influence of the Greek art has been very insignificant, yet it cannot be ignored at all. Drawing lines with free and soft circulation, imaginativeness of some paintings as well as creating a box (frame) is specific to the Greek art and it can indicate the profound impact of the Hellenistic art and its mixing with the Iranian art.

References
Persian
Aghajanielizeh, H. 2008. Iran doreashkani, haghshenas press, Rasht.
Ghadyani, A. 2005. Tarikhfarhangvatamadone Iran dardor-e solukivaashkani, Farhang-e maktub press, Tehran.
Gireshman, R. 1991. Honar-e Iran dardoraneparti&sasani, elmi and farhangi press, Tehran.
Hertzfeld, E. 1975. Tarikh-e bastaniiran bar bonyadBastanshenasi, translate by Ali asgharHekmat, Anjoman-e Asare-e meli press. Tehran.
Hertzfeld, E. 2002. Iran darsharghebastan, taranslaed by HomayonSanatizade, pazhuheshgaholomeensani o motaleatefarhangiuniversiy of shahidbahonarpress, Tehran.
Kalej, M. 2001. Ashkanian, translate by masoodrajabnia, Hirmand press, Tehran.
Kokh,H. 2000. AzzabanDaryush, translated by parvizrajabi, karengprees, Tehran.
Matin, p. 2004. PoshakIraniyan,pajoheshhayefarhangi press,Tehran.
Mehrafarin, R. 2012. Bar ChekadeOshida,daryaft press,Tehran.
Mehrin, M. 1964. Tamaddone Iran Bastan, collectorrazmara,M.A,atayi press. Tehran.
Saeedian, A.H. 1996.Mardomane Iran, elmifarhangi press, Tehran.
Sarfaraz, A.A. &Firuzmandi, B. 2007.Bastanshenasivahonar-edoran-e tarikhie Mad, Hakhmaneshi, Ashkani,
Sasani, Marlik press, Tehran.
Shirkhani, M. 2002. Poosheshezan-e Iraniaz Iran bastan ta ghajarieh, bahar elm press. Tehran.
Vishofer, Y. 2006. Iran Bastan, translated byMortezaSaghebfar, Ghoghnos press, Tehran.
Yong, K. gireshman, R. bivar. amiye, P. astronakh.2006. Iran-e bastan.translated by Yaghobazhand,movla
press,Tehran.
Ziapur, J. 1999. Pooshakebastanie Iranian, Ketabmahhonar press, Tehran.

Latin
Faccenna, Damenico. 1981. A New Fragment Of Wall- Painting FromGhaghaShahr (Kuh-iHavage- sistan Iran),
East And West vol 31
Gullini, Giorgio. 1964.ArchiteturaIranicaDagliAchemenidiaiSasanidiⅱPalazzo Di Kuh-I Khawagio, Einaudi, Turin
Mosalla, masoumeh, 2006. Kuh-e khwaja, General Office of cultural offairs, Tehran

 
Comments Off

Posted by on August 11, 2013 in Baloch Culture

 

MULTICULTURALISM: A CASE STUDY OF BALOCHISTAN

Prof Dr. Abdul Razzaq Sabir

Prof Dr. Abdul Razzaq Sabir


Dr. Abdul Razzaq Sabir

Professor and Director
Balochistan Study Centre,

University of Balochistan, Quetta

Waheed Razzaq
M.Phil Scholar,
University of Balochistan, Quetta

ABSTRACT
In terms of area Balochistan is the largest province of Pakistan. Balochistan had been a cradle of world’s leading civilizations. There are sufficient evidences from the pre-historic and historic period supports this argument. The area had remained a cross-road of civilization generally in South Asia and particularly in the sub-continent. As a result today Balochistan can take pride of its role of safeguarding the remnants of early cultures that had left their abiding marks and the circumstances which makes Balochistan rich in terms of archeology as well as ethnic, linguistic and cultural diversity. The paper will looks at the following main issues. Firstly, a brief about multiculturalism in the country with special reference to the province will be discussed. Much of the writings on Balochistan’s history, culture and politics are marked by some kind of multicultural concern.
The central question replied in this paper will be that how a vast multi-ethnic province – in terms of religion, language, community, caste and tribe can retain its distinct identity in conditions of underdevelopment, mass poverty, illiteracy, extremism, and regional disparities.

INTRODUCTION
Ethnically, Balochistan is a plural society. The pluralist character of society in Balochistan draws upon the existence of different ethno-linguistic communities mainly, Baloch, Pashtun and Brahuis and partially Sindhi, Persian and Siraiki communities. All these have their distinct linguistic, historical, cultural identities. Within the larger ethno-regional communities the sub-regional groups have protected and projected their separate identities. The ancient inhabitant of the Central Balochistan known as Brahuis belonging ancient Dravidian stock have their separate language, culture and identity. Other groups have their own separate identity.
The ethnic composition of Balochistan reveals three main groups, with distinct languages and cultural backgrounds: the Baloch, the Brahui and the Pashtoon. It is difficult to document the origins and the movement of the population during the past centuries because the earlier period is wrapped in legends and mysteries. However, an attempt will be made to show the general trends about the ethnic and linguistic diversity of Balochistan. An effort will also be made to delineate the interaction of the three main components of the population of Balochistan. (Jawed: 2008: 22) The ethnic composition of this area was highlighted for the first time in the Census of 1931. This Census also shows how its ethnic composition has undergone changes during the different phases of history. During the pre-British period, movements in and out of Balochistan were mostly voluntary or activated by the usual ‘push’ and ‘pull’ factors indicated generally by the sociologists. (Jawed: 2008:

CULTURE.
The anthropologists of the world have defined culture in different ways. Culture of a particular region consists of language, ideas, beliefs, customs, values, attributes, codes of honor, institutions, tools, works and arts, religion, law, ethics, rituals, fairs and festivals of a specific group of people. Culture is a collective means of achievement and of progress. As the light and heat are necessary for human life, likewise culture is the inner and outer development of the behavior of the individuals and nations.
In terms of both ethnicity and religion Pakistan is a plural society. In Pakistan the pluralist character of the society draws upon the existence of four major historical ethno-linguistic communities: Punjabi, Sindhi, Pashtun and Baloch. A large number of Urdu-and Gujarati-speaking people migrated from India who came to Pakistan after partition and settled largely in the province of Sindh emerged as a distinct community more than a quarter of a century after the bulk of migration took place in the late 1940s and early 1950s. All communities living in the country have their own distinct geographical, historical and linguistic identities which have become an essential part of their political expression in an organisational, electoral or agitational context. Within the larger ethno-regional communities, there are some sub regional groups have struggled to project their separate identities, such as the Siraiki-speaking community in southern Punjab and adjoining areas of Sindh, the Hindko-speaking people in the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) and the Brahui of Baluchistan, along with a sprinkling of smaller groups across the country. At the same time, religious pluralism is characterised by the presence of two major minority groups, Christians and Hindus, followed by Ahmadis, and several miniscule groups such as Parsis, Buddhists and Sikhs together accounting for 3.54 per cent of the population. 96.46 per cent of the population is Muslims. (Waseem: 2003: 164)
Culturally, Pakistan having diverse communities with particular cultural traditions, value systems, life styles, belief systems, languages, dialects and aspirations which determine the objectives of the policy. They aim at providing an environment beneficial to the growth and promotion of Pakistani culture as protected in the Constitution of the country.

CULTURAL DIVERSITY IN BALOCHISTAN.
Balochistan is a multi-cultural province that comprises of different sub-cultures. The province is a plural and multicultural society in terms of linguistic and ethnic. The pluralist character of the province besides on three main historical ethno-linguistic communities: Baloch, Pashtun and Brahui while the small ethnic groups are Hazaras in Quetta city, Sindhi and Siraiki speaking Jat or Jadgals in the plains of Kachhi, Naseerabad and Lasbela areas while Persian speaking Dehwars in Mastung and Kalat. A reasonable number of Urdu speakers, Panjabi and Hindko speakers also reside in Quetta city since long.
The ethnic composition of Balochistan reveals three main groups, with distinct languages and cultural backgrounds: the Baloch, the Brahui and the Pashtoon. It is difficult to document the origins and the movement of the population during the past centuries because the earlier period is wrapped in legends and mysteries. However, an attempt will be made to show the general trends about the ethnic and linguistic diversity of Balochistan. An effort will also be made to delineate the interaction of the three main components of the population of Balochistan. (Jawed: 2008: 22)
Linguistically, Balochi is an Indi-Iranian language having three major dialects known as Western or Mekrani, Eastern or Sulaimani and in the Chagi, Kharan, and Panjgur district known as Rakhshani Balochi. Brahui a north Dravidian language bifurcate the Balochi language is spoken in the Central Balochistan from Quetta valley to Gizri Karachi. Pashto an Indo-Aryan language is spoken in the northern areas of the province. Other minority languages are Hazargi a kind of Persian is spoken in the Quetta city by the Hazara community while Sindhi and Siraiki in the plain areas mostly adjourning areas to the Sindh province.

GLORIOUS PAST OF THE REGION.
The thickly populated Asia, having major proportion of population of the world, consisting variety of religions, human races and language families has played an important role in the history of the man and civilization. The rich Asian culture distinguishes Asia as a bouquet of civilizations in the world. The dominating Arab, Iranian, Mongolian, Central Asian, Chinese, Russian, Far East Asian, Arian, Turkic and Dravidian cultures are the main components of the Asian culture. Five main religions of the world i.e. Islam, Jewish, Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism are also in vogue in the different parts of the continent. With reference to archaeology, Asia has played a leading role in the glorious past of the world. Central Asian, Mesopotamian, Indus and Chinese civilizations have played a significance role in the history of man and civilization. While the land where Balochistan is situated had also been a cradle of world’s leading Civilizations. Sufficient evidence from the pre-historic and historic period supports this argument.(Sabir: 2005)
The presence of human race in this region is traceable from the Paleolithic period. Many stone tools of the Paleolithic culture of the primitive human race have been discovered from Sone Valley of Punjab and different parts of Balochistan. There are thousands years old cave and rock shelters having paintings and engraving of the stone age man have also been found at Suleman range and other mountainous Balochistan region. These all facts indicate the progress and achievements of stone-age man towards civilization in Pakistan.( Kellehear: 2001:23)
In the course of time, these stone using agricultural communities were first time established in Balochistan at the site of Mehrgarh near Bolan by 7000 BC some 9000 years ago. This ancient settlement is familiar about cultivation and domestication of animals in South Asia; the results of excavations at the site of Mehrgarh, at the foot of the Bolan Pass, in Balochistan indicate that large settlements may have existed as early as the 7th millennium BC in these parts of the Asia.( Rafique:1992:15)
The Indus valley civilization is one of the ancient civilizations in South Asia, some 4500 years old. This is also known as the Harappan civilization, named for the site of Harappa, one of its major ancient cities found in Punjab. The Mohenjo Daro an ancient city near Larkana along the west bank of famous Indus River, like other cities of the Indus civilization is a well managed and planned urban town. The script used in Indus valley remains still un-deciphered, the Indus civilization is known only from archaeological evidence. Its origins traditionally were viewed as the result of the diffusion of farming and technology from other advanced cultures in Mesopotamia and on the Iranian plateau to Balochistan and ultimately to the Indus Valley.( Usman:1987:45).
Most of the archaeologists are of the opinion that Indus Valley Civilization is related to Dravidians. In the South India, Malayalam, Telegue and Tamil languages are remnants of Dravidian, while Brahui: the old Dravidian language in Balochistan is belonged to this ancient language group is a living evidence of Dravidian existence in past in the region.( Rafique:1992:14)
After the Dravidians, Aryans came from Central Asia and occupied the Indus plains. They looted cities and occupied various towns. Aryans were militant, aggressive and physically strong. They were nomads and had their own traditions and folklore. They were part of great Aryan people some of whom went to Europe, some to Persia and some came to Sindh from where they migrated to India. Mostly they pushed Dravidian from the planes of Sindh and Punjab and continued to stay in mountains, seashore, desert and forests only. They left their influences and language in Sindh and other parts of the country.

ISLAMIC PERIOUD.
Islam came in this part of the world as early as 40 AD when the Arabs captured Iran and entered in the Mekran the present day administrative zone of Balochistan province in Pakistan. Later on they established their principalities as Daulat Mehdania Mekran in Mekran and Daulat Mutaghaliba Tooran (in the present days Kalat zone of Balochistan). The second invasion of Arabs was made in 712 A.D. from the west in the command of Arab General Muhammad bin Qasim while during the 10th century A.D. from the north with the Turk Sultan Mahmmud of Ghaznah (known as Mahmmud Ghaznavi). Later on, Mughals ruled over this part of Asia more than two hundred year. Islam replaced the early way of life in the region of worshipping idols and introduced new philosophy of faith in one God. (Mubarakpuri: 1987:255)

SOCIAL LIFE IN BALOCHISTAN.
In Balochistan, social life is very simple. Baloch people are much conscious about their social traditions and they feel pride in following those values and norms. Cultural norms and values, customs and traditions, in some extant reflect Islamic values as well. The traditional dresses are intended according to cover human body but men dresses are also designed and intended according to defensive point of view. The Baloch, Pashtun and Brahui people wear simple dresses according to the climatic conditions. In the plain areas of the Kachi, Naseerabad and Lasbela people wear dohtee, while in the mountainous areas people tie turban. Chaader wearing is a common practice among women.
The Baloch culture is the dominating and province is always known throughout the world due to rich and beautiful Baloch culture and ancient Balochi and Brahui languages. The Baloch and Brahui cultures have many commonalities; therefore, sometimes it is difficult for an outsider to differentiate between the both. Pashtun culture is also a rich and strong culture in the northern parts of the province. Besides three major cultures there are some other minority cultures as Jatuki, Dehwar and Hazara also existent in some parts of the province.

CULTURAL DIVERSITY
The Baloch culture is rich, varied and deep-rooted. There are plenty of evidence and artifacts concerning the richness of Baloch culture throughout centuries. The cultural heritage of Baloch is very rich they had a very successful methodology in irrigation known as Karezes scattered throughout Balochistan as well as in cultivation and husbandry. Balochi poetry is one of the most beautiful poetry and one of the oldest in the region. In Baloch culture, poetry has always been combined with music. Balochi and Brahui music and folklore have been passed from generation to generation as a valuable art. Baloch handicraft is world-renowned. The Baloch are very hospitable, nice and friendly. They are generally intelligent, learned,
cultivated and socially accomplished. Culturally, they are rich and self-dependent. (Baloch: 2002:09-11)
The Pashtun culture is the second major component of Balochistani culture. They speak a language Pashto belongs from Indo Arian group. The ancient songs, religious traditions, and ancient goods are all preserved their culture contains various important elements of ancient Aryans civilization. Pashtunwali is the major code of life of the Pashtuns which confers on them certain rights and requires of them certain duties. They are bound to honor to respect it and abide by it. If someone found contempt of this code, he brings disgrace to himself and to his family members and he is also likely to be banished at ex-communicated. The main sections of this honorable code are bravery, hospitality, patriotism, love of independence, to protect neighbor, to cooperate with each other, The Jirga or Tribal Assembly is a very useful and ancient institution in Pashtun society. (Panezai: 1999:78-79)
After Russian invasion of Afghanistan a large number of Pashtun Refugees came to Balochistan they on the one hand brought many new cultural values and traditions which were not in practice among the Pashtuns living in Balochistan, some of them were easily accepted and are still in vogue in the Pashtun society.
The other important group of people is Brahui. They speak a language from Dravidian group. Being ancient inhabitants of the area the Brahui culture having its own individual identity is also a very ancient and rich culture. Besides their own identity many cultural values of these people are most common and similar to Balochi culture. Their day to day life and all cultural norms and values are same. The Brahui is the oldest language of the province. There are different opinions about origin of this language but most of the linguists consider it as a Dravidian language. The other important Dravidian languages are Tamil, Telegu, Malyalam, Kurukh and Malto etc in India. The folk literature of Brahui is also very rich. (Sindhi: 2005:51)
Culturally Brahuis are very similar to its closes neighbors Baloch, due to close cultural; historical; geo-political and economically relationship most of the Brahui in modern time consider themselves as Baloch. While generally following Islamic tenants, there are many variations in the life cycle rites and customs of Brahuis which differentiate them from their neighborus. (Sabir: 2007:182)
The Dehwars living in Mastung and Kalat are also ancient inhabitants of the region they claim themselves Tajik origin speak a language close to Persian known as Dewari. The Hazara community from Mongol origin mainly lives in Quetta city has their distinct culture and language known as Hazargi. The Lasis and jams in Lesbela district and people living close to the Sindh boarder in Naseerabad and jaffarabad also speak Sindhi and Siraiki languages. Each of the small communities have their distinct cultures.

CONCLUSION:
In this context, in the story of man and civilization, Balochistan has an important role and unique status in the world in general and in S.Asia in particular. It has evidence of early age man, his gradual development and his struggle for existence. The antiquity of the cultural heritage of the province is oldest one. This area had remained a cross-road of civilizations between Central Asia, Mesopotamia and Indus region in Asia. Balochistan can take pride of its role of safeguarding the remnants of early cultures that had left their abiding marks and the circumstances which as per their wake have left Balochistan rich in ethnic, linguistic and cultural variety.
The study provides the nature of diversity among different ethnic groups in the provinces along with some insights into these differences. All ethnic groups showed similar cultural nature with some differences in the severity of their closeness. When we thoroughly study the social life in Balochistan we find it very simple. The people of Balochistan are very much conscious about their social traditions and feel pride of it. Shalwar Qamis is the popular dress among all tribes in Balochistan. In the rural areas people tie turban also. Different tribes have their own turban tying styles. A Keteran from Duki District can easily be distinguished from a Rind of Suni and Soran also a Bungulzai of Ispilinji is different from a Sunjarani of Chagi area. Wearing of chaader is a common practice among Baloch, Brahui and Pashtun women. The Baloch tribes mainly Mekrani people living at coastal line near Arabian Sea have their own customs and traditions, dances, and ceremonies. Fishing is their main occupation and source of livelihood.
People in Balochistan either they are Baloch or non Baloch even nowadays besides spending a luxurious life in the cities and towns; a reasonable number of them is still passing nomadic life in the different parts of the province which they have inherited from their ancestors.

REFERENCES
Baloch, Ayoub,“ Sharing the vision” Directorate of Public Relations, Government of Balochistan Quetta-Pakistan October, 2002.
Kellehear, Allan, Global Culture (an introduction to sociological
ideas), Oxford University Press, New York, 2001.
Mubarakpuri, Qazi Athar, “Arab Rule in India” Fikr-o-Nazar
Publications, Sukker-Pakistan, 1987.
Panezai, Nazar Muhammad, “Pashtunwali as a code of life”, Bi-annual research journal “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW”, Vol 11-111 BSC, UOB, Quetta Pakistan, 1999.
Rafique, Akhtar “Pakistan Year Book 1992-93″, East West Publishing Company of Pakistan, Karachi, 1992.
Sabir, Abdul Razzaq, unpublished paper “Evolution of Culture in Pakistan” presented in the International ASIAN CULTURAL PROMOTION CONEFERENCE at Beijing, China on 28th to 31st May,2005.
Sabir, Abdul Razzaq “Cultural Values and traditional treatment system among Brahui Nomads” IJDL, published by the ISDL Therivenanthapuram, Kerala S.India Jan-June 2007.
Syed, Jawed Hyder “Balochistan: The Land and the People” International Journal of South Asian Studies Vol-23 No.l Jan 2008 Centre for South Asian Studies Punjab University Lahore.
Sindhi, Ghulam Hyder, “Linguistic Geography of Pakistan” National Institute of Pakistan Studies, Islamabad-Pakistan, 2005..
Usman, Hasan Brig®, “Mehrgarh” Department of Urdu, University of Balochistan magazine “Sariab”, February, 1987.
Waseem Muhammad “Pluralism and Democracy in Pakistan” International Journal on Multicultural Societies (IJMS), Vol. 5, No.ll, 2003:
…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….
Published: BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”,
BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIII No. 2, 2010

 
Comments Off

Posted by on April 21, 2013 in Baloch Culture

 

A CASE STUDY OF DEHEE-CLASSICAL POETRY OF BALOCHI LANGUAGE

Scholars
……………………..
Ghulam Nabi Sajid

Research Officer (Balochi)
Balochistan Study Centre
University of Balochistan Quetta-Pakistan.

Wahid Bakhsh Buzdar
 Assistant Professor (Balochi) NIPS
 Quaid-i-Azam University Islamabad.

ABSTRACT:
Dukhaan men rab na daasee ں میں رب نہ داثی ڈکھا
Doste ar ghaten roshe دوستے ار گھٹیں روشءِ
Chee ae she mengaan gon dasee. چی اے شے منیگاں گوں داثی
(Lohar Kalu:Feb, 12, 2010)
(May Allah keep safe my beloved from all worries and if her days of life even come short, add my remaining days of my life to her life). This study will be focused on the importance of classical Balochi poetry in general and usage of Balochi Dehee in special. Folklorists are agreed that the folk and classical poetry is the foundation of expression. Although Dehee is not some epic poetry but there are so many characteristics of epic in Dehee as well. Dehee can tell long tales and stories relating the early past of Baloch people. In this study some Dehees of ancient age will be included with English translation, telling the migration rote and different war events of Baloch migration from Halab to Seestan.

INTRODUCTION:
Dahee and Zaheerook (زہیروک ﴿are very near to each other. Same as Zeerook, Dehee also expresses the feeling of lovers whom are very far away from their beloveds.
Some time there is sigh and moaning of lovers when wishing to see one glance of their beloveds.
As Example:
Burzen Kandhee shall thu de Dhahaa se
ں میں رب نہ داثی ڈکھا
Men nazaan logha zurthu oodhar dase
منی ناذاں لوغا زُڑتھو اوڈھر داثے .
The high mountain may you fell down
You are a barrier between me and my beloved’s home.
Dehee is not only the poetry of love songs but there are prays for heavy rains in drought and famine. Dahee plays some time the role of social codes by tautening, the member of that society to act on the rules established by the society. Dahee reminds that people which are no more with us and also addresses the death angle in very hatred way on killing of some very near and respected persons.
Arzeel thu khudaan panda se ارزیل تھو کھنڈاں پنداثے
Zee se men nazzan زیثے منی ناذاں
Shall joaa aen roshaan mah ginda se.شل جوایں روشاں مہ گنداثے
O death angle may you beg from door to door
You have snatched my beloved
May you never see good days.
About the general introduction of Dehi, Muhammad Sardar Khan Baloch says,
“The Caravan song Dehi to the nomads was their favourite muse and in their estimation, the first form of singing. The Balochies of the classical age used as their principal instrument the square tambourine “dap” in Arabic (daff), the reed pipe “Nar” and Saroz or Sarundaw.
The Dehi are the choicest productions of the common mind. Some of the ballads in the form of Dehi show all that is best in nomad vein, but less admirable in the high and cultured society of the Balochs. The Dehies are a rough and ready expression of romance expressed by the rough and rude mind of the nomad folk. Many of these songs and ballads were composed in the vulgar dialect and without regard or heed to the rules of classical prosody, and none of the authors of folksongs endeavored to raise the so called Dehis to literary rank. We seldom find in this form of poetry, any reference to the beauties of nature, but a faint feeling that sometimes anticipates the attitude of medieval chivalry.
The dehies are mainly composed by minstrels, the Loris who occupy a low place in the social scale. The Lories are the gypsies of Balochistan and are found throughout the length and breadth of the country. They are handicrafts men, rather the mechanics of the Balochs, for they make all the instruments and implements needed for agricultural and domestic purpose. Moreover, the Loris are the musicians and composers of musical songs and tunes. Their women function as midwives, and sing ballads and other songs at the time of marriage ceremonies and celebrations on the birth of a male child.
We shall quote here the true picture of their life and code of conduct by their own words.
“Wanderers we were born.
Wanderers we live and
Wanderers we shall die,
When our bellies are stocked,
We pray, when bellies are empty,
We cheat, for are we.
Not the rightful sharers in
The food and the drink of you all,
No birth place or home or burying ground is Ours
Our birth is in the jungle
And the desert
The desert and the jungle are our home and our grave.”
The dehi, form of song prevalent in the Baloch society is perhaps, the outcome of the laxity of life introduced by the levity and luxury of the western culture, planted and propagated by the British rule over Balochistan”. (M.S.K.Baloch:1984:472) As it is agreed that Dahee is a kind folk poetry so before going onward the folk poetry need to be discussed.

Folk:
The poetry of old time when the authorship in unknown and had been preserved and adapted through oral tradition. Folk songs usually have an easily remembered melody and a simple poetic form. A song that is traditionally sung by the common people of a region and forms of their culture. Dr. Abdul Haq Mehr says, “The folk music and literature is a common effort of the people. (Buzdar Wahid:)
Muhammad Sardar Khan says, “Folklore is the body of the traditions, customs, beliefs, tales and songs that are transmitted from tribe to tribe, territory to territory and hut to hut by word of mouth from one generation of a society to the next. On the other hand, we should also note that many tales and traditions are actually the product of a single man singularly famous in his time to frame and propagate tales and traditions. The Baloch race is among those historic nations whose history and origins go back thousands of years, and, therefore the search for identity is not difficult and tradition is the main ingredient in any identification. The Baloch people are a traditional race and tradition in most countries is based to a great extent in folklore, history and geography. By tradition, folklore is the traditional knowledge of the folk. Literally “folk” are small groups of families living in isolation, and live and thrive in their isolated world, taking pride in their limited usages, customs, opinions and information. It is therefore, that folklore material has no known and definite author or source. The wisdom, imagination, spirit and superstition of the Balochis, more or less can be judged in the folklore songs and traditions. Variations, progress evolution are not among the laws that a nomadic people readily obeys.
Deprived of all the comforts and benefits of civilization the nomadic Baloch is not immune to the invasion of exotic ideas and aims. Though contented in tents of goat’s and camel’s hair, yet to his heart and mind, the occupations worthy of his blood are hospitality swordsmanship and romance. All other varieties of trade, skill, art and education are beneath his dignity. The monotony, simplicity and dryness of the mountain habitat are truly reflected in the nomad Baloch physical and mental makeup. Anatomically he is a firm from and figure of strong veins and fine chiseled bones. The hardihood of their profession and mountain life is fully displayed by his physique, displaying his fantastic forbearance, tenacity and temerity. A nomad Baloch is seldom able to raise himself to the state of a social being of the civilized man, but is always devoted to the common good and tradition of his tribe. Discipline and development are foreign to the ideals of his simple life. His daily prayer to the providence would be “O God, have mercy upon me, my family and the herd of sheep.” However, horrible as an enemy he may be, yet with in the laws of friendship, he is a most sincere, reliable and a generous friend. In the ballads and folksong, we note on the one hand, the nomad Baloch’ courage, resolution, contempt of death and fear of dishonor, his tender regard and affection for the men of his own flesh and blood, on the other hand, his relentless temper, his heedless ferocity and traitorous cruelty towards his foe. In fact, the folksongs and ballads are the mirror of the mind and occupation of the common folk. (S.K.Baloch:1984:470)
1. A song belonging to the folk music of a people or area, often existing in several versions or with regional variations.
2. A song composed in the style of traditional folk music.
The most prominent categories are the love‐song, but the term also covers the social values and norms as well. Generally it is believed that folk is passing the cultural information on from one generation to the next by storytellers. The forms of oral tradition include classical poetry (often chanted or sung), folktales, and classical poetry, as well as magical spells, religious instruction, and recollections of the past.
Music and rhyme commonly serve as both entertainment and aids to memory. Epic poems concerning the destiny of a society or summarizing its myths often begin as oral tradition and are later written down. In oral cultures, oral tradition is the only means of communicating knowledge. The prevalence of radio, television, and newspapers in Western culture has led to the decline of oral tradition, but in the east especially in eastern Balochistan (Sulemani Baloch) it survives among old people and some minority groups as well as among children, whose games, counting rhymes, and songs are transmitted orally from generation to generation.
Same is with Dehee people do remember old Dehees and their generating factor as well. In case of Dehee there are two different kind of end rhyme. In very classical Dehee there are three lines in one complete Dehee. The end rhyme of first line will necessarily match with the end rhyme of third line.
See example.
1. Dodo banaani , ینانب وڈوڈ
Bilaan deh Karanki بلاں دہ کرانکی
Ashen men lal wataani استیں میں لال وطنانی
2. Tharaa sokha saaeen kaan تھرا سوکھا ساءیں کھاں
laal thai kahnen khulqaan لال تھی کہنیں خُلقاں
Roohrhi men wallar daaeen kaan روحڑی میں ولر داءیں کھاں
Roshaa manaan raa nen galwaari روشا مناں را نیں گالواری
thu wasi babaa bache تو وثی بابا بچھءِ Begaa gudaa sogo kaan daari یگھا گُڈا سوگوہ کن داری
(Shahir Saed Khan:Feb,21, 2010)
Mula men horaan guaaren nee, مولا منی ہوراں گوارینی
wasee dehrhee, وسیث ڈہڑی
Naazaan men guarkaan chaaren nee. ناذاں منی گورکھاں چارینی
Naazaan thu der kane kaa aey, نازاں تھو دیر کھنے کھاءے
Go hame baazen deraa گوں ہمے بازین دیراں
Roshe laal aekau sar kaa aey روشے لال ایکھو سر کھاءے

Dehee As Folklorist
As the Dehee is poetry of singing and mainly it is composed by shepherds on heights of mountains or by lories or young people in wedding ceremonies so the length and meter of the stanza is given keen attention, so that the rhyme may be same and beautiful.
Some time the first line is constructed only to create a rhyme and has no meaning and concern with the body and message of main Dehee. As,
Do do banaanee ینانب وڈ وڈ
Belaan de karaankee بلاں دہ کرانکی
Atseen men lal watanaanee استیں مین لال وطنانی
Allah Bakhsh Buzdar a well-known Baloch poet says about the rhyme of Dehee, “If someone considers Dehee as beginning of Balochi poetry, to me it is not wrong. I have never felt so enthusiasm and excitement by hearing any poetry, which real pleasure gives the Dehee. I am poet (if I am) of Poem and I also wrote some Dehee to express my inner feelings”. As,
Go lakh murazaan man thi logha kaatkaan
گو لکھ مُراذاں تھی لوغا کھاتکاں
Gandaan Dhange mare dardaan walar wartaan
  گنداں ڈنگے ماری درداں ولرواڑتھاں
I thought throughout a long night of winter about my sorrow and worries at last came to your home with countless hopes but there the enemies has bitten me like snake and pain kept moving in my heart.
The real beauty of Dehee is its shortness. The Dahee covers all those ideas in very short (two or three lines) which can only be expressed in a long poem (Nazam/dastanag). Dehee is unique form poetry. Its form, its rhyme, its calculated meter, its depth and its musical sweetness are different then the other forms of poetry” (Buzdar: 2010)
Symbol: in general terms, anything that stands for something else. Obvious examples are flags, which symbolize a nation; the cross is a symbol for Christianity; Uncle Sam a symbol for the United States. In literature, a symbol is expected to have significance. Keats starts his ode with a real nightingale, but quickly it becomes a symbol, standing for a life of pure, unmixed joy; then before the end of the poem it becomes only a bird again.
In Balochi Dehee the symbol is used to express the feeling of poet and the situation of that age. As,
Dahaan Maskeenee khilaan, داہاں مسکینی کھلاں
Lal thi monjaan choshaan, لال تھی مونجھاں چوشاں
Chuke chon maas merree chilaan چکے چو ماث مری چلاں

(I do cry like an orphan or a men without any relation in journey of desert, O my beloved I am so grieved in your absence as the baby who’s mother had died within early forty days of his/her birth).
The miserable condition and difficulties of some orphan baby especially in early childhood is symbol of grieve ness to the poet.
There are so many symbols used in Balochi Dehee, as for the beauty of beloved, moon, zuhraa, flowers, light of morning, rain in desert, flowers, deer’s eyes hoors/fairies of heaven and so many other things.
There is great love for human being in Dehee and folk poetry.
Manaan dosten makhlook aeshaan pedaash Rabe.
مناں دوستیں مخلوق ایشاں پیدایش ربء
Same Sakhi Sultan Bahoo a ever popular saint of Saraaiki literature says.
“kujh bughz di reet wich nai melda کُج بغض دی ریت وچ نیں ملدا
O. haar te jeet wich nai meldaاو ہار تہ جیت وچ نین ملدا
Makhlooq-e- khuda naal peyar te kar مخلوق اے خدا نال پیار تہ کر
Rabb sirf maseet wich nai melda.رب صرف مسیت وچ نین ملدا
(You cannot find the divine content in enmity and hatred and nor in winning or losing from any opponent Please do love the people of God as the God is not only be traced or found in mosques)

CONCLUSION
Dahee is the most classical term of Balochi poetry. It is important and impressive form of poetry among Baloch of Eastern Balochistan. Dahee is the shortest way of impression which can convey its message in very impressive way and mostly in two lines or verse. In Dehee poetic form tells the historical events with true references can be narrated. Mostly, Dahee is the folk poetic form composed by the women folk but man has also composes dahees. Like all other poetic.forms Dahee is also mourning of lovers. Dahee is a famous Balochi poetic form which depects the social raelities of the society.

REFERENCES:
1. Baloch Muhammad Sardar Khan, Literary history of the Balochis 1984, Balochi Academy Quetta,
2. Buzdar Allah Bakhsh, personal interview on Feb 21, 2010 at Tounsa Shareef Buzdar, Wahid Bakhsh, Dehee e Darosham, Balochi Academy.
3. Shahir Saed Khan, personal interview Feb,21, 2010 at Tounsa Shareef.
4. .Lohar Kalo, personal interview on Feb, 12, 2010 Koh e Suleman, Musakhail.
…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………
PUBLISHED BY: BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”,
BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIII No. 2, 2010

 
Comments Off

Posted by on March 21, 2013 in Baloch Culture

 

Baluch Style or “Baluch Aesthetics”

This slideshow requires JavaScript.

By: Tom Cole

Baluch rugs are intriguing; their designs provide a window onto the past, an exceptionally graphic reflection of old traditions. The common thread throughout the literature of Baluch rug weaving is one of ethnographic information, with analysis mainly confined to technique and craft. Baluch enthusiasts and ‘experts’ typically debate which tribe or subtribe made which type, where and when, with artistic composition and aesthetic impact assuming a secondary role.

Khorassan

The Khorasan (northeast Persian) style is the most familiar of the three, and in a sense may be considered ‘classical’. In a provocative interview in HALI 76, Jerry Anderson proposed that Khorasan Baluch rugs are closely related to those of their Turkmen neighbours, although some also employ historic Persianate motifs and design conventions. A restricted red and blue palette, with white highlights, predominates, and many motifs echo archetypal Turkic themes which are also seen in the ‘classical’ weavings of the Turkmen tribes. Indeed, it can be argued that the oldest Khorasan Baluch rugs retain many of the design characteristics of old Turkmen (and Turkic) weavings.

The Khorasan weaving area is geographically contiguous to Turkmenistan, where the town of Sarakhs is no great distance from Mashad. The design within the rectangular panels of a camel-ground Baluch balisht from this area (1) bears comparison to that found on rare Tekke Turkmen ‘white-panel’ kaps.
A very pretty Khorasan khorjin face (2) demonstrates the kinship between traditional Turkic design and ‘Baluch’ tribal weavings of Khorasan. The motifs on its deep red ground are reminiscent of Mughal floral ornamentation, as well as of later Turkic weavings from the Caucasus. A Khorasan rug (3) employs a similar field aesthetic, but with a border more often associated with rare Turkmen weavings made by the so-called Eagle-göl groups of the wider Yomut Turkmen family.
Another northeast Persian khorjin face (4), features a zoomorphic design within the familiar octagonal gül found on Salor, Saryk, Tekke and Ersari chuvals. This small bag is one of the most extraordinary examples of its type; the weave is very fine and the drawing precise with wonderful composition of the elements.
Other recurrent themes within the Khorasan repertoire that bring to mind aspects of ‘animal-style’ iconography on Turkic weavings from the steppes include the decoration of the ubiquitous ‘bird-bag’ design type (5). There is little doubt that the bird forms are derived from a Turkic prototype, perhaps the best known example of which is a Seljuk period rug from the Mevlana Museum, Konya (inv.no. 841; Ölçer et al., Turkish Carpets of the 13th to 18th Centuries, 1996, pl.13).
A particularly pleasing Khorasan rug (6) confirms the connection of Baluch design and aesthetic to weavings from Central Asia. The rather random arrangement of dark blue-black crab-like palmette forms ‘crawling’ up the blood-red ground is very close to (though more interesting than) that seen on certain Kirghiz rugs from Central Asia. The similarity of its primary field elements to those found on one of the well-known Seljuk carpets now in the Türk ve Islam Eserleri Museum, Istanbul, is striking (inv.no. 688; Ölçer et al., pl.4), and exemplifies a commonplace, if as yet unpublished, discussion concerning the design relationship between Baluch rugs and the carpets of the Seljuks from Konya and Beysehir.

I have not seen another Baluch weaving remotely similar to this one, a fact which suggests to me that it may be of an earlier period. The border design, palette, and slight warp depression may indicate an origin in the region of Torbat-e Heydari, about a hundred miles southwest of the city of Mashad.
Prayer rugs made by the various Baluch tribes have always commanded significant collector interest, but rarely seem to me to be anything other than commercial production, judging by the fact that few old examples show a pattern of wear consistent with use. One of the most common design types is the tree-of-life, usually on a camel-ground. The incorporation of Turkic elements in the hand panels and field may assist in identifying the genealogy of the people who wove them, but does not diminish the commercial nature of the weaving. One might expect an older example of the type to look like (8). Note the spacious treatment of the tree, the boldly articulated Turkic design elements and the remnants of a heavy four-cord selvedge. The handle of this piece is more substantial than that of most Baluch rugs, rather like an Ersari Turkmen piece. It is likely that this prayer rug was made by Baluch tribes in southern Turkmenistan, possibly no later than the mid 19th century.
One of the most extraordinary design types in the Khorasan repertoire may be of Taimuri origin (7). Siawosch Azadi published one example (Carpets in the Baluch Tradition, pl.1), assigning it to Sistan and dating it to the 18th-19th century. As it appears to incorporate elements of 18th century northwest Persian ‘tree’ carpet design, the earlier date is not impossible. The present fragment has lost most of its borders, but traces remain at top and bottom. These borders too suggest greater age; the ‘lightning’ motifs are well drawn and relatively rare on Baluch rugs (seen mainly on Taimuri pieces). The trace of a cartouche element in the third border is unfamiliar to me, and may also indicate an early date, as does the dense profusion of Turkic ornamentation, including the jewellery-like elements, the representation of water and the shamanistic anthropomorphic winged figure in the trunk of the tree.
Other excellent examples of the type have recently appeared at auction (Rippon Boswell, Wiesbaden, 22 November 1997, lot 116), and in a dealer’s exhibition in New Hampshire.

Sistan

The Sistan (southeast Persian) aesthetic is a different animal altogether, employing hardly any of the ‘classical’ themes of Khorasan and rarely echoing the Afghan renditions. Few if any Turkmen relationships are apparent; individual repeat patterns (perceived as continuing beyond the borders to infinity) are seldom used. On the other hand, the use of colour and space in abstract form may be the single most obvious characteristic of typical Sistan weavings. These pieces are often similar to the flatweaves of the same area in both palette and design.
The serrated medallions of the so-called ‘Mushwani’ types (9, 10) probably represent the essential Sistan motif. These medallions serve as a visual focal point, radiating from within, as do mandalas. Such simple motifs may be dated mainly through a critical assessment of colour and space; older pieces tend to have a diverse palette comprising a profusion of green and teal blue-green coupled with the sparing use of white (usually confined to highlights). Later examples tend to have a darker, more limited palette which is at times harshly contrasted with substantial amounts of bleached white wool.

The loosely drawn serrated medallions are ultimately more pleasing in my view than regular, stiffer renditions. Similarly, those pieces with more upright, ‘taller’ medallions (9), possibly representing older drawing, seem to me more attractive than those with a more elliptical orientation (10). The absence of specific imagery, replaced by abstract motifs, recalls the refreshingly accessible ‘contemporary art’ aesthetic of Persian gabbehs.

The boteh motif is perennially popular in Baluch rugs. The Khorasan version often appears to derive from the Persian model and, perhaps ultimately, the Kashmir shawl, representing a ‘classical’ inspiration. The Sistan boteh is very different. It may have initially entered the Sistan design pool through the migration of the Sharakhi and Sarabani Mushwani tribes from the Caucasus region. While it is easy and convenient to label this a provincial rendition, I believe it may represent an animal or bird form. Sistan botehs may appear less interesting to an eye more accustomed to the familiar classical form, but when well executed, are colourful and suggest zoomorphic elements, often composed of simply drawn figures (11) or squares (12).

Western Afghanistan

The third group, Baluch pile weavings from western Afghan tribes, has a style related to that of the neighbouring Khorasan tribes, but with a less austere, warmer palette. The saturated blood-red of Khorasan is seldom found as a primary ground colour. The designs are related to those of Khorasan weavings, but are usually executed in a less formal manner.

While prayer rugs may be an essentially commercial production, examples do exist which appear to be ‘real’ pieces, in the sense that commercial influences are reduced to a minimum, if not completely absent. In (13), the field design is reminiscent of Central Asian felt and appliqué work, while the hour-glass motifs in the hand panels recall tertiary elements in Uzbek weavings. The bold drawing of the border system suggests an older aesthetic, with a pleasing scale, which, combined with skilful use of colour, imparts a sense of movement. However, the rug cannot be dated to earlier than about 1870, as it contains early synthetic dyes, including the yellow (faded from red) guard stripes in the barber’s-pole minor border, as well as the light orange of the reciprocal trefoil motif. Some of the warps were once bright purple, but have since faded. We assume the use of such newly imported dyestuffs was considered attractive by the weaver at the time of manufacture. I have never seen another prayer rug with anything approaching this layout and believe it to be an ‘authentic’ weaving, reflecting a local design tradition rather than commercial market demands. One of a pair of khorjin that I place in the west Afghan group shows particularly artful drawing of the ubiquitous Memling gül motif (14).

Another familiar Baluch theme, derived from the Seljuk repertoire, features diagonally placed cartouches arranged to form octagonal medallions in a way that recalls some Azerbaijan embroideries (Orient Stars, pls. 48, 50) and later Alpan Kuba rugs, but executed in a rather looser manner than one normally encounters (15). Zoomorphic imagery is common to the art of many Central Asian tribes, but the way in which the Baluch express it here, with one design grid laid over another, is typical of their aesthetic sensibilities. The Khorasan version, far more mathematical in concept, is visually dazzling, but lacks the idiosyncrasies associated with ‘tribal’ (or rural) weavings.

Conclusion

The study of Turkmen rugs has produced a strict codification of the various weaving groups, contributing to a relative chronology which is generally agreed upon, if not actual hard dates. Nothing similar has occurred for the weavings of the Baluch. No single aesthetic quality truly defines Baluch rugs from disparate regions, and there are always exceptions to general rules – for instance, Arab rugs from the Qain region are very different in palette to other pieces woven in Khorasan.

While the Baluch design pool has often been considered derivative of other Central Asian weaving cultures, few authors show any real understanding of the antecedents of the variety of nomadic peoples whose rugs are loosely labelled ‘Baluch’. For example, the ‘Mushwani’ (according to a Pushtu text translated into English by a young lawyer in Quetta, Baluchistan) may trace their earliest origins to Syria, then to the Transcaucasus region, primarily in an area of present day Armenia, before their dispersal throughout the Sistan region. Other segments of the tribe went to Afghanistan, adopted the Pushtu language and are not thought of as weavers of pile rugs. One may equally ask who are the Taimuri tribes and from where do they come?

Who are the people who wove the camel-ground prayer rugs with bold Turkic motifs? The clues lie within the rugs themselves.

The traditions of design and palette are integral components of the puzzle and, in their purest forms, a tangible view of a distant past. Commercial rug patterns are like a written language, stored on paper, unwavering and static. The unwritten language of tribal (nomadic) rugs is retained in the minds of the weavers and subject to the diverse influences a clan or tribe may experience over generations. Many interesting Baluch rugs survive, but the truly significant and beautiful ones offer clear reflections of an old and developed art tradition. Great rugs endure as a physical manifestation of myth and meaning in the pan-tribal consciousness of the weaver’s mind.

POSTSCRIPT

The poster session at the Philadelphia ICOC and this particular article grew out of, was a natural extension from the HALI 76 article, From the Horse’s Mouth. Given the confusion wreaked by Jerry’s confident as well as controversial attributions and the rebuttal it inspired not only by Andrew Hale but many others, it became apparent that there really is a Baluch style that appears to be, more or less, predicated by provenance rather than by specific tribal attributions. Given the attempts to assign a tribal name to a 19th century weaving, and the odds for error, such a method seemed to be much easier to understand. As time has passed, the Sistan identification has grown in popularity, entering the everyday lexicon of the committed Baluchophile. Afghan Baluch pieces seemed to have gained some notoriety based upon actually having been identified while Khorasan Baluch weavings have always enjoyed a certain amount of respect within the genre.

The relationship of some Baluch weavings to an earlier Anatolian and/or Turkic aesthetic, while not unknown at the time of publication, still demands further research and exploration, something that I attempted to do at the recent seminar on Central Asian rugs sponsored by Itinerant Eden featuring Elena Tsareva with myself in a subsidiary role. Given time, this concept, too, will become an essential element in the mind of the average Baluch rug enthusiast.

 
Leave a comment

Posted by on December 19, 2012 in Baloch Culture

 

Baluch Rugs in Afghanistan

This slideshow requires JavaScript.

By: Tom Cole

The market in and the study of Baluch carpets have evolved dramatically over the past decade. Even a symposium dedicated to these pile rugs and flatweaves from eastern Iran and western Afghanistan has recently taken place, an unimaginable event a few years ago when Baluch rugs were often given by dealers to buyers of costlier weavings. But many specialist collectors still demonstrate an undemanding level of aesthetic awareness, paying lip service to the quality of affordable but pedestrian examples of the genre.
My first Baluch encounters occurred in the early 1980s at Adraskand, Inc. in Point Reyes, north of San Francisco. At that time, Anne Halley was assembling her acclaimed collection of Baluch rugs and Michael Craycraft was engaged in creative Hajji Faizullah and his brothers manned a small shop in Quetta’s Suraj Gunj Bazaar. Their association with one of the groups confronting the Kabul regime was well known, and the huge amounts of cash at their disposal led to talk that they had been given license to operate with impunity, using the rug trade as a front for their activities, which offered material support to the fundamentalist resistance to the communist puppet government in Kabul and the coalition regime which followed.
Their tiny cement cubicle with rugs piled up along the walls and a dim light bulb hanging from the peeling whitewashed ceiling was hardly an ideal atmosphere for rug appreciation. A Pashtun tribesman from Kandahar, with no background in the art trade and addicted to opium, Hajji was always huddled on a cushionin the corner beside an electric heater, a blanket wrapped around his hunched shoulders, drinking tea. His appreciation of tribal rugs was minimal, preferring ornate Safe home a few weeks later I realised that this was a carpet I had to have. But I was unable to return to Baluchistan for another six months. In the meantime, rumours had spread throughout the market in Pakistan. Dealers in the Peshawar bazaar whispered about a fantastic rug of great size and beauty, and a few foreigners had ventured to Quetta to see it. But none had pulled the trigger. So I paid Hajji the money and with some difficulty carried the carpet to Peshawar and shipped it back to California.
Even then I did not appreciate the true magnitude of the rug. Its sheer size was obvious, but its history, and the composition of the design remained enigmatic. Special circumstances accounted for its entering the market. Originally belonging to a Khan’s family in the Chakhansur region of western Afghanistan, south of Herat and close to the Persian border, and in their hands since it was woven, it was first taken to a small Baluchistan village between Quetta and Nushki, where the Khan and his family sought refuge, then on to Quetta.
Rugs of this type have been referred to in Afghan marketplace vernacular as “Taimani”, an attempt to indicate their unmistakeable Afghan provenance, but an inadequate attribution based solely upon a slightly coarser weave type. The palette of the true Afghan Baluch weaves (including the Taimani) is never so saturated, nor as diverse as those from Chakhansur, while the mainly dark red and blue tones of Khorasan pale beside similarly patterned rugs from this region.
The people of Chakhansur are said to be ‘cousins’ of the Sistan tribes. musings on tribal rug classification. My initial interest was kindled there, but my real initiation into the world of Baluch rugs occured a little later in Baluchistan in southwest Pakistan.
Unusual circumstances dictated the direction that the region’s rug trade was to follow during the 1980s and 1990s. War raged in Afghanistan, and Baluchistan’s villages, towns and its only city, the provincial capital Quetta, overflowed with refugees. Trade in arms, financed by the parallel trade in drugs, flourished, financing the struggle in Afghanistan against the Soviet invaders and their communist vassals. As the refugees’ need for cash increased, a trade in antique rugs and textiles also developed. But only those with cash could participate, and the only people with cash were drug dealers and gun runners.
Persian town carpets to the coarser weavings of the peoples of Central Asia, but some of the best Baluch rugs in Pakistan passed through his hands. One day in December 1994 he took me up to the roof to look at a carpet which could not be properly seen within the confines of the shop. We climbed the crumbling stairs to the top of the one-storey building. The cold, clear winter air and views of the city and the surrounding snow-capped mountains were refreshing, but any preconceptions of what I might see were immediately dashed. There lay a rug of unimaginable size, unbelievable colour and unexpected design. My senses reeled as my mind struggled to assimilate the information when, in response to my enquiry in Farsi, “Chan ast?”, Hajji uttered what seemed to be an unbelievable, certainly unprecedented, price. No one had ever asked such a sum in Pakistan for any rug, and few Baluch weavings in the international marketplace had ever achieved such a level.
The Chakhansur origin is important in understanding the rug in art historical terms. The so-called ‘crab’ border is a ‘classic’ configuration depicting a convergence of animal heads around a central motif, often an ashik device or floral element. This scrolling dragon head/serrated leaf border also occurs in Transcaucasian rugs, and within the Baluch context is often associated with ‘Timuri’ weavings from Khorasan.
The field design incorporates both Timuri ‘shield palmette’ elements and the hooked forms of west Afghan rugs generally known as ‘Mushwani’. Such synthesis defies conventional wisdom. The more formal, evolved aesthetics of the Chakhansur weavers’ northern neighbours, with ‘classic’ themes executed true to the Khorasan prototype, are combined with the aesthetic and chromatic sensibilities of their tribal cousins from Sistan in the west. Their use of colour is less restrained than in Khorasan. Indeed, the total embrace of a diverse palette is a distinguishing characteristic of this group of rugs.
A study of their weavings, including flatweaves, supports this suggestion, as they show shared tastes in palette and design, albeit with some divergent traits as well. In this carpet we find a true confluence of traditions, with ‘Timuri’ themes in conjunction with the striking palette of Sistan and the boldly articulated hooked medallions of the ‘Mushwani’. This has produced a true masterpiece of woven art, transcending the Baluch aesthetic as it is generally understood. Such a grand and beautiful carpet raises the bar for our evaluation of Baluch weavings as a whole.

 
Leave a comment

Posted by on November 19, 2012 in Baloch Culture

 

Balochi Dress for Women

By: Samia Batool, Quetta

Balochi Dress for woman is one of the beautiful cultural sides of Balochistan. The Balochi Dress is attractive, in fashion, classic and very rich that a woman from any part of world can’t deny wearing it. Balochi dress is called “phashik” in Balochi language.
It has heavy embroidered sleeves and borders. It has pockets which are in triangle shape. This triangle shaped pocket is sewed with Daman and lots of beautiful embroidery is done on it too. Balochi dress is unique since the embroidery work on it leads you to unique taste of art in Baloch. The patterns, the designs of Balochi dress are unique and eye catching that you can’t find that type of embroidery work in other cultural dresses.
In making of Balochi Dress glass, multiple colored threads and a fabric is used. This fabric can be anything of your choice but usually cotton, silk and Jorchad is used. Talking of appealing colors in Balochi dress, let us tell you that red, green, black, yellow and blue are the most commonly used colors in making of Balochi dress, but as due to requirements of design, the Balochi dress can be consisted of countless colors. Their combination will definitely take one’s heart away.
Balochi dress is very dynamic since they vary area to area. Like in Balochistan if a Baloch woman wears balochi dress with out embroidered borders then she is thought to be a widow. The happily married balochi women wear balochi dress with heavy, rich and bright colored embroidery not only on border but on sleeves too. You will amazed to know that this phenomena is not observed in Balochs of Iran, there even a married woman can wear a Balochi dress with out any heavy embroidery on borders.
Balochi dress is no doubt an apple of eye for any fashion designers since there is lot of space to make it more beautiful and up to date. Like till date Balochi dress embroidery is done in many mediums, depending on its medium of embroidery many new designs are introduced or they existed before but revealed again they are kundi, bugti and Sheeshay wala kam(the embroidery with glass).
Balochi dress as time passes changes itself .The balochi dress with pockets are preferred to be worn in sui and bugti but in Quetta, modern Baloch Girl would like to wear balochi dress without pockets.
The balochi dress is very beautiful and adorable and hence it takes lots of money and time to be prepared. Its price ranges from few hundreds to thousands. An average balochi dress takes 7 to 8 months to prepare since this is one of the unique hand-made dress.
So, if you are fond of experiencing the various cultures and their customs, then get started with balochi dress. This Historic, rich dress will take you as it part.

 
Comments Off

Posted by on May 18, 2012 in Baloch Culture

 

Balochi ensembles: The threads of time

By Shehzad Baloch
Correspondent: The Express Tribune

QUETTA: Balochistan, usually associated with images of barren lands, mountains, deserts and political unrest, has a rich culture of arts and crafts which is still unknown to many Pakistani. One of the popular arts and crafts of the region is the Balochi embroidery, which is mainly done by women.

While most of the motifs and designs of Balochi embroidery have been inspired by nature, some of the patterns take inspiration from the pottery of the Mehrgarh civilization, one of the oldest civilisations of the world, which once existed in the Bolan district of Balochistan, says Faheem Baloch, a lecturer at the University of Balochistan.

The art, which involves the use of threads, beads and tiny mirrors, has been passed down for many generations. “This is an integral part of the Baloch culture, which has been inherited by our ancestors,” says Mah Dem Baloch, who sells Balochi dresses to various shops in Quetta.

Intricacies of the art
The embroidery is considered by many as a Baloch emblem, distinguishing the culture of Balochistan with that of other ethnic groups. “The colourful and distinct embroidery patterns serve as ethnic markers, which differentiate Balochs from Pashtuns (Pathans), Punjabis and Sindhis,” adds Mah Dem, who hails from Makuran, better known as the Makran division, and has been involved in this business for the last 30 years. However, even within Balochistan, there are different embroidery designs and terminologies applied to garments from different tribes of the region. For instance, jalar, naal,kapuk and peri wal are popular in the Mekran division and kalatiembroidery is attributed to dressing of people of the Kalat district. Meanwhile, Sibi, Mastung, Nasirabad, Jaffarabad, Bugti and Marri have their own unique designs.

Practice makes perfect
However, the art doesn’t just come naturally and women in Balochistan have to practise regularly to master the skill. These women usually set aside a few hours for embroidery after completing their daily household chores. Speaking about the process, Mah Dem adds, “The girls and older women in interior Balochistan do not use charts or diagrams but create extremely complex designs in a random manner. They are guided by family members and elders of the area.”
Meanwhile, tastes and preferences regarding the colour of embroidered clothes differ for people belonging to different age groups. Whereas young girls prefer wearing embroideries in bright colours, older women wear dark colours like blue, black or brown and it is compulsory for widows to wear black or dark colours.

Commercial value
While both hand embroidery and machine embroidery have great commercial value, Baloch women in Karachi give preference to machine-embroidered and printed embroidery. The most expensive among these dresses, which range between Rs15,000 to Rs70,000, are made for brides. “It takes six months to a year to make one such dress,” said Shoaib Shadab, Balochi linguist at International Islamic University Islamabad.
The popularity is not restricted to just local cities as there is a huge demand for Baloch dresses in Gulf countries where the Baloch population lives, informs Yar Jan Badini, editor of a monthly Balochi magazine.
However, Shadab feels that women employed in the embroidery industry are exploited by retailers and dealers in cities, who pay them a very small percentage of the price of dresses.

Support from the government
Meanwhile, to save the art from dying, the Balochistan government has patronised the region’s embroidery by establishing training centres in some parts of Balochistan, mainly in Makran, Kharan, Rakhshan, Kalat, Mastung, Khuzdar and in addition to awarding monthly stipends to students. The training centres were handled by the provincial industries department and the directorates of small industries.
However, Shadab is of the opinion that the embroidery industry needs proper marketing as well as modification in terms of technology. The art demands efforts and time and it should be kept alive with more support and appreciation.

Published in The Express Tribune, March 25th, 2012.

http://tribune.com.pk/story/354506/balochi-ensembles-the-threads-of-time/

 
Comments Off

Posted by on March 26, 2012 in Baloch Culture

 

Balochi ensembles: The threads of time

 
Comments Off

Posted by on March 25, 2012 in Baloch Culture

 

A Brief History of Baluch Tribes

“…Such a system might work well so long as there was a strong ruler in Kalat, but once his power diminished, the natural result was civil war…”

R. Hughes-Buller, 1901

The tribes inhabiting Baluchistan came under the identical pressures influencing the tribes of Afghanistan during their violent histories. Living at the crossroads of Central Asia had one great disadvantage, and this involved the repeated and serial invasions by migrating tribes pressed from their original homelands and armies bent upon conquest. Generally, these invasions came from the west – along the same route of the tribal migrations. In southern Afghanistan, individual tribes began to organize themselves into larger aggregations in hopes of defending themselves against the repeated threats emerging from the west of their tribal areas. Only the armies of Alexander the Great entered the region using the “northern route,” and even he chose the more obvious southern route as his men struggled to depart from Central Asia. The terrain of the south, less the large desert areas, wasban ideal invasion route and army after army used it.
The Baluch tribes also migrated into the region from the west. Their traditions say they originated from the vicinity of Aleppo, Syria, while scholars studying comparative linguistics suggest their origin in an area of the Caspian Sea, possibly a waypoint with extended residence before being pressed further east by the arrival of more aggressive migrants. Regardless, the Baluch tribes were present in Baluchistan in 1000 A.D. and were mentioned in Firdausi’s book, Shahnamah (the Book of Kings), and like all invading armies they were described as being aggressive, “like battling rams all determined on war.”1
As the last of the migrating tribes to arrive, the Baluch had to displace or assimilate the tribes that were already present and occupying the land. Opposed by the powerful Brahui2 tribes, the Baluch were able to overcome them until an extended civil war broke out between the Rind and Lashari Baluch tribes which weakened them substantially.
After defeating the Brahui under their chief, Mir Chakar of the Rind tribe in approximately 1487, the Baluch kingdom was destroyed in the 30- year civil war between the Rind tribe and its rival, the Lasharis. The Baluch had expanded eastward as they spread into modern Pakistan’s Sind and North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) before being halted by the powerful Mughals of India. The names of Dera Ghazi Khan and Dera Ismail Khan serve as reminders of the Baluch presence in these areas in the 16th century.3
Once they were weakened by civil war, the Baluch tribes fell under the control of the population they once defeated – the Brahui – whose leaders became the powerful Khans of Kalat. Any attempt at understanding of the Baluch tribes requires a careful review of the role played by the Brahui ethnic group. Kalat was well-positioned to divide the two large branches of the Baluch tribes, making them easier to control. To the north of the Brahui and Baluch tribes are broad areas under the control of the Pashtuns – the Kakar, Tarin, Pani, and the Shiranis that occupy Zhob, Quetta-Pishin, Loralai, and Sibi districts as well as the vicinity of Takht-i-Sulaiman.4
The presence of these martial tribes, combined with their allied tribes in Afghanistan, effectively blocked the weakened Baluch tribes from a northward expansion while the Khan of Kalat’s Brahui tribes kept them divided. And the Khans were also limited in options they might consider:
“The rulers of Kalat were never fully independent. There was always … a paramount power to whom they were subject. In the earliest times they were merely petty chiefs; later they bowed to the orders of the Mughal emperors of Delhi and to the rulers of Kandahar, and supplied men-atarms on demand. Most peremptory orders from the Afghan rulers to their vassals of Kalat are still extant, and the predominance of the Sadozais and Barakzais was acknowledged as late as 1838.”5
But the Brahui tribes, speaking Dravidian and not integrated within the Baluch tribes, were able to control the larger and warlike Baluch. More was involved than the Khan’s geographical location. British officer R. Hughes-Buller explained in a section of the 1901 Baluchistan gazetteer: “The Brahuis consist, in fact, of a number of confederated units… of heterogeneous and independent elements possessing common land and uniting from time to time for the purposes of offense or defence, but again disuniting after the necessity for unity has disappeared. “Thus the two bands which unite the confederacy are common land and common good and ill, which is another name for a common blood feud.
“At the head of the confederacy is the Khan, who, until recent times at any rate, appears to have been invested in the minds of the members of the confederacy with certain theocratic attributes, for it was formerly customary for a tribesman on visiting Kalat to make offerings at the Ahmadzai Gate before entering the town. Below the Khan, again, are the leaders of the two the two main divisions, who are the leaders of their particular tribes, and at the head of each tribe as a chief, who has below him his subordinate leaders of clans, sections, etc.
“Such a system might work well so long as there was a strong ruler in Kalat, but once his power diminished, the natural result was civil war…”6
The Brahui not only out-organized the Baluch tribes, they managed to form alliances that further strengthened them. First, they were allied with Persia’s Nadir Shah, then with Ahmad Shah Durrani during the Pashtun invasions of India, before forming an alliance with the British that left the Khans of Kalat in charge of Baluchistan until Pakistan gained its independence in 1947. But once the powerful and influential Khans were removed from their positions from which they controlled Baluchistan, R. Hughes-Buller’s prophecy became self-fulfilling as a series of civil wars and rebellions continued throughout Pakistan’s history.
Hughes-Buller also wrote that “…the welding together of the tribes now composing the Brahui confederacy into a homogeneous whole was a comparatively recent event…. Their traditions tell us that they acquired Kalat from the Baloch, and that they were assisted in doing so by the Raisanis and the Dehwars … the assistance given by the Raisanis is to be noted because the Raisanis are indisputably Afghans.”7
“Welding together tribes” and forming external alliances that allowed the Brahui Khan of Kalat and his forces to maintain significant levels of control over the larger, more populous Baluch and Pashtun tribes found in Baluchistan. Their position, alone, in Kalat allowed the Brahui to split the two large Baluch tribal divisions and this system provided much of the stability that made Baluchistan far more governable than nearby Afghanistan. In 1955, it all changed. Kalat had survived through its alliances, if not its outright subjugation to powerful external forces, such as Nadir Shah’s Persians, Ahmad Shah Durrani’s Pashtuns, and Robert Sandeman’s Imperial British Army, but the newly formed Pakistan was less reliable as an ally. As Pakistan’s ability to control its internal politics, its partially independent “states” were absorbed into Baluchistan to form one of Pakistan’s four provinces in 1955.8
Unfortunately, the “Iron Law of Unintended Consequences” resulted in increasing instability. This was predicted by Hughes- Buller in 1901 in his essay on the Brahui that appeared in the 1901 Baluchistan census: “So long as there was a strong leader in Kalat … once his power was diminished, the natural result was civil war.” More unfortunately, the increasing instability soon started to draw nearby Afghanistan into the political and military fray.
The key question that emerges is simple. If the British realized the importance of the Khans of Kalat in the tribal balance of power that was so critical to Baluchistan’s stability, why did Pakistan’s new rulers miss this? The removal of the stabilizing impact of the Khan of Kalat whose prestige and semi-theocratic influence left a power vacuum in the wake of this unfortunate decision that was soon filled by individual tribal leaders and Hughes-Buller’s “natural result” was not long in coming. Pakistan’s largest political grouping, those speaking Punjabi, were intent upon creating a modern nation-state and Baluchistan had ports and considerable natural resources that were unavailable elsewhere in new Pakistan. Independent states with ports and natural resources were not to be tolerated by the Punjabis.9
When the Brahui Khan of Kalat refused to join the newly created state of Pakistan in 1947, Kalat was swiftly occupied by Pakistan’s army in 1948 – provoking a first rebellion that was led by the Khan’s brother, Prince Karim Khan.10 Unfortunately, nearby Afghanistan was landlocked, lacked the region surrounding Gwadar port, an area ruled by Oman at the time. Equally unfortunate for future Afghanistan-Pakistan relations, Prince Karim Khan and his followers relocated into sanctuaries within Afghanistan’s nearby Kandahar Province. Relations between the ancient state of Afghanistan and the new country of Pakistan had already been poisoned by demands for the creation of Pashtunistan, a vassal state for the Afghans that would have stretched from today’s North-West Frontier Province’s northern limits southward to the Arabian Sea. These conflicting claims developing over Baluchistan resulted in Pakistanis becoming increasingly angry as Afghanistan’s Durrani monarchy began to refer to the region as “South Pashtunistan.” Prince Karim Khan’s arrival in Afghanistan did little to settle the frayed nerves among Pakistan’s new and inexperienced leadership.11
Prince Karim Khan’s short-lived revolt failed because of his inability to attract foreign support for the creation of an independent Baluchistan.
Britain worked to ensure that Pakistan remained stable while the Afghan royal government remained unable to support Karim Khan alone. Stalin’s Soviet Union remained interested, but was non-committal because they felt the greater opportunity for Soviet expansion lay with Pakistan. As a result, Karim Khan was forced to return to Kalat where he continued his rebellion until he and his small group of followers were captured and jailed – by Pakistanis. In the wake of this unsuccessful revolt, relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan became increasingly bitter and as Pakistan’s Punjabis took greater control of Baluchistan’s resources, the Baluch tribes began to build grievances – toward Pakistan. Unfortunately, seeds of a lasting type were being sown in very fertile tribal soil. Now the significantly weakened Brahui tribes were no longer able to act as a buffer between the Baluch tribes while tense relations between old Afghanistan and new Pakistan grew to the point that reconciliation was unlikely to occur. On one side, Afghanistan wanted to see the creation of “Greater Pashtunistan” that would provide both resources and access to ports for the landlocked nation while Pakistan knew the Afghan goal would result in the loss of half of their national territory, leaving its two remaining provinces, Punjab and Sind, unable to survive economically – and militarily. Pakistan had just fought its first war with India and the concept of “Greater Pashtunistan” became a lasting national survival issue for Pakistan.
This situation worsened as Pakistan’s dominant population, the Punjabis, began to complain that Baluchistan comprised 40 percent of Pakistan’s territory, but contained only four percent of its total population. Baluchistan’s tribes failed to recognize the Punjabi logic as a series of rebellions continued, culminating – to date – in a four-year outbreak of fighting in which Pakistan’s new army engaged the Baluch tribes that once fought a 30- year civil war among themselves.
Another careful observer of tribal behavior, British officer C. E. Bruce who spent 35 years in the region following his father’s 35 years, provided useful insights into the relationship between the tribes and the emerging town-based and generally “de-tribalized” inhabitants:
“…the politically minded of the official class, to which must be added the ‘middlemen,’ as well as the ‘intelligentsia,’ were jealous of the tribal leaders. ‘They looked upon them as revolutionaries and against the interests and aspirations of the educated classes.’ For, as Sir Henry Dobbs pointed out, ‘Civil officials are mostly educated Orientals brought up in towns, who have a great dislike and suspicion of the tribes, the tribal organization, and the tribal chiefs, and more often than not are out to destroy them by every means in their power.’ Written of Irak [sic], it was equally true of the frontier.”12

Bruce also wrote about the position of the tribal leaders regarding the growing animosity with the emerging town elites:
“Up to now you have always worked through us. Just because a man can read and write it does not necessarily mean that he is a better man or that he can control our tribes better than we can. Yet these are the men you are putting over our heads and deferring to. And what have been the results?”13
Here lies the clue to understanding the tension between the rural tribes and the urban classes, led by Pakistan’s Punjabis, as they looked at the land and resources under the control of tribal chiefs from the Baluch and Pashtun ethnic groups. The process controlled by the urban elites that began in 1947 is still underway that was described by C. E. Bruce:
“…more often than not are out to destroy them by every means in their power.”
By 1973, Pakistan’s government had run to the limits of their patience with the Baluch tribes. Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto imposed central rule, arrested the principal Baluch leaders, and ordered 70,000 troops into the province. A student of Baluchistan’s politica, Selig Harrison, wrote accurately about this stage of the Baluch rebellion:
“At the height of the fighting in late 1974, American-supplied Iranian combat helicopters, some of them manned by Iranian pilots, joined the Pakistani Air Force in raids on Baluch guerrilla camps. These AH-1J Huey-Cobra helicopters provided the key to victory in a crucial battle at Chamakung in early September when a force of 17,000 guerrillas of the Marri tribe, one of the 27 major Baluch subdivisions, were decimated. “… Allowing for distortion by both sides, nearly 55,000 Baluch were fighting in late 1974, some 11,500 of them in organized, hard core units. At least 3,300 Pakistani military men and 5,300 Baluch guerrillas as well as hundreds of women and children caught in the crossfire, were killed in the four year war…. “Although military conflict between the Baluch and the central government dates from the creation of Pakistan in 1947, the wanton use of superior firepower by the Pakistani and Iranian forces during the 1973-1977 conflict instilled in the Baluch feelings of unprecedented resentment and a widespread hunger for a chance to vindicate their martial honor.”14
By this time, Baluch guerrillas had been allowed to shelter in Afghanistan, once again implicating the Afghan government in the eyes of Pakistan’s leaders. But the impact was greatest on the Baluch tribes, especially the Marri tribe that suffered a military defeat and heavy losses at the hands of the Pakistani and Iranian air forces – that flew American helicopters. For the Baluch tribes, not only was their tribal territory now split and occupied by Pakistan, Iran, and Afghanistan, instead of becoming Greater Baluchistan, their resources were now being appropriated for use in Pakistan’s larger provinces, Sind and Punjab.
One of the Baluch leaders predicted the future from his safe haven in Afghanistan:
“If we can get modern weapons,” said guerrilla leader Mir Hazar at the Kalat-i-Ghilzai base camp in southern Afghanistan, “it will never again be like the last time…. Next time we will choose the time and place, and we will take help where we can get it….”15

Low level insurgent operations continued until 2005 when an event occurred to galvanize the Baluch tribes into action. A female Baluch doctor was raped by four Pakistani soldiers guarding the Sui gas fields at Dera Bugti. Instead of the Marri tribe attacking Pakistani forces, this time it wasthe Baluch Bugti tribe doing the fighting.16 Time magazine provided details:
“In Pakistan’s Baluchistan province, nothing is held in higher regard than a woman’s honor, and the allegations of rape have the rough-and-tumble province, rich with natural gas fields, up in arms literally. Baluch tribesmen have attacked a refinery and pumping station at the Sui gas fields, have sabotaged the pipeline that sends the natural gas to the rest of Pakistan, have blown up railway lines, and have rocketed the provincial capital, Quetta. In response, President Pervez Musharraf has
sent 4,500 paramilitary troops, backed by 20 tanks and nine helicopter gunships, to Baluchistan to try to restore order. It will be a tricky mission. ‘This could be our last battle,’ Baluch tribal chieftain Attaullah Khan Mengal told Time. ‘At the end of it, either their soldiers will be standing alive, or we will.’ “…Workers at PPL reported the incident to Akbar Khan Bugti, the Nawab (or ruler) of the powerful Bugti clan. He says they told him the assailants were four soldiers in the Pakistani army. (Government troops protect the gas facilities.) Says the Nawab: ‘This gang rape took place on our land, in our midst. It has blackened our name.’ “The Nawab says he is taking the woman’s violation personally, and he can muster 4,000 armed men to back him up. Other leaders from the Mengal and Marri tribes have vowed to join him in his campaign for justice.”17
Soon, Akbar Bugti and some Marri leaders were killed in attacks by the Pakistani military. A Pakistani newspaper reported the details, but left out the reason for the revolt, the rape of the Baluch doctor:
“Nawabzada Baramdagh Bugti, grandson of Nawab Bugti, was among the dead but Agha Shahid Bugti said he couldn’t confirm the report. A private TV channel said that Mir Balaach Khan Marri was also killed in the operation. However, the report could not be confirmed. Mr. Durrani also said that Nawab Akbar Bugti had been killed along with two of his grandsons, adds Online.
“According to the sources, security forces started the operation in Bhambhoor area three days ago using heavy weapons and helicopter gunships. On Saturday, the sources said, more troops were inducted into the operation and helicopter gunships shelled the area throughout the day. “The sources said that helicopter gunships targeted the Chalgri area of Bhambhoor mountains and dropped troops who took action in the area. Armed militants of Marri and Bugti tribes resisted the troops and heavy fighting was reported for several hours.”18
And the survivors of the Pakistani raid? As usual, they went across the border into Afghanistan’s sanctuaries in what may be an implicit warning by the Afghan government to the Pakistanis to halt their alleged support for the Taliban insurgency or face a Baluch insurgency quietly supported by Afghanistan. Akbar Bugti’s grandson19 and probable heir, Brahmdakh Bugti, took the usual route into the safety across the border, but this only adds
to the tension between Afghanistan and Pakistan while both the Bugti and Marri tribes took casualties from the Pakistani army attacks. This will ensure a ready supply of antagonized militant tribesmen who will be available to rally to support the first charismatic leader to emerge against the Pakistan government that remained determined “more often than not are out to destroy them by every means in their power,” as C. E. Bruce’s words became prophetic. He knew that the “middlemen” living in towns believed that tribes must be eliminated as social organizations if new nation states are to survive and his prophecy is clearly playing out in Baluchistan.
The dictum “more often than not are out to destroy them by every means in their power” appears to have played itself out as well among the Brahui since they seem to have vanished from the tribal and political scene. The very ethnic group that assembled a powerful confederation to control the Baluch tribes is no longer a major participant and is usually reported as being assimilated into the Baluch tribes. There was no doubt in the reports filed by R. G. Sandeman in 1869:
“…with reference to the present disturbed state of Khelat, and the effect it has on the Khan’s hill subjects, the Murrees, Boogtees, &c…. The whole of Beloochistan, from Humund (a town of Dera Ghazee Khan) to the sea, was under the sway of Nurseer Khan of Khelat, a chief noted for his justice and prowess. He kept the Murrees, Boogtees, and other tribes resident along the Kafila route from Central Asia, as in good order as he did the people of the plains….”20
Another report showed the authority of the Khans of Kelat:
“…Still there is the fact … that the Shum Plain belongs chiefly to the Murrees and Boogtees (nominal subjects of the Khan of Khelat….”21
But all of the tribal balance of power shifted dramatically when the Pakistanis absorbed Kalat. The last Brahui leader, Ahmad Yar Khan, declared Kalat independent in 1947 and Pakistan’s army occupied Kalat and forced the Khan to sign the accession documents.22 Since then, the Brahui influence in Baluchistan has nearly vanished and observers of the slowly evolving insurgency in Baluchistan should remember the following:
“Such a system might work well so long as there was a strong ruler in Kalat, but once his power diminished, the natural result was civil war…”

The Baluch
(Baloch, Balooch, Beluch, Biluch)
Tribal Structure
The Baluch ethnic group is comprised of approximately 15-25 independent units, more akin to confederations than tribes. Baluch tribal hierarchies are somewhat loosely defined, being based more on alliance and location than tribal identity. Largely independent from one another, each tribe recognizes a clear internal hierarchical structure, a characteristic that differentiates the Baluch from the more egalitarian neighboring Pashtun tribes. This hierarchic structure greatly impacts Baluch tribal unity and interaction with other groups. The Baluch have traditionally been more responsive to both internal and external authority and more willing to incorporate outsiders than Pashtun tribes.
The Baluch are broadly divided into eastern and western linguistic groupings with the Brahui ethnic group falling between. The western Baluch tribes, referred to as Mekrani Baluch after the Mekran region, is the smaller of the two and includes those tribes located in Mekran Division, Kharan District of Kalat Division, Chagai District of Quetta Division in Baluchistan, and those living in southeastern Iran and southwestern Afghanistan. Most of the tribes of the eastern grouping, referred to as Sulaimani Baluch after the Sulaiman Range, are located primarily in Sibi Division, Baluchistan.
Others live in Nasirabad Division, Baluchistan, and large numbers live outside Baluchistan in Punjab and Sindh Provinces. A few also live in the North-West Frontier Province. The western or plains Baluch have historically been seen as more peaceful than the eastern or hill Baluch.
The British who dealt with the Baluch from the mid-1800s to mid-1900s saw both the western and eastern Baluch as easier to manage than the Pashtun tribes to the north and northeast. Stereotypes of the independent, egalitarian Pashtun with a strong sense of Pashtun identity contrast with those of the less independent, more hierarchical Baluch who mix more freely with other tribes. The stereotypes still exist, even among the Baluch and
Pashtuns themselves. Pashtun tribes usually claim descent from a common ancestor and recognize a familial-like bond within their division, clan, and tribe. They also recognize a very strict common set of characteristics that make one a Pashtun, including speaking Pashtu and following the Pashtun code or Pashtunwali. The Baluch on the other hand define their tribe according to more political and geographic criteria: loyalty to an authority and common location. Anyone choosing to live under the authority of the tribal chief can be considered a part of the tribe. An outsider wishing to join a Baluch tribe or section first moves into a Baluch tribe’s area, shares in the tribe’s good and ill fortune, is eventually able to obtain tribal land, and is fully admitted upon marrying a woman from the tribe.
The tendency of Baluch tribes to take on outside groups or members, and likewise for groups or members to leave one tribe for another, makes establishing a basis for a tribal hierarchy difficult. One often encounters the same sub-element split between two or more tribes. To further complicate matters, elements sometimes change their names or take on the name of their host, even in the case where they are not ethnically Baluch. In many parts of Baluchistan, it is popular to be considered a Baluch, so non-Baluch will sometimes take on Baluch tribal names, and after many years, may become considered as such. For example, Gichkis, Khetrans, and Nausherwanis are considered to be of non-Baluch origin (Khetrans do not even speak Baluchi), and yet multiple sources list them as Baluch in tribal hierarchies.


The structure within each Baluch tribe follows a more or less common pattern:23


I. Tuman/Toman (Tribe):
The Baluch are divided into tumans led by a tumandar/ tomandar (chief).24 The term tuman also refers to a Baluch village.

A. Para/Phara (Clan): Tumans are divided into paras led by a mukadum/ mukadam (headman or chief).

1. Pali/Phalli (Sept or Division): Paras are divided into palis led by a headman, sometimes called a wadera.

a. Family: Palis are sometimes further divided into family groups led by the head of the family, sometimes called a motabar.
A grouping called a sub-tuman occurs in some cases between tuman and para and is a large clan or sub-tribe, having its own significant sections akin to clans. Examples of these are the Haddiani clan of the Leghari tribe, the Durkani and Lashari clans of the Gurchani tribe, the Ghulmani clan of the Buzdar tribe, the Shambani clan of the Bugti tribe, and the Mazarani clan of the Marri tribe.
According to legend, when the Baluch first arrived in Baluchistan, they were united under one headman, one Jalal Khan, but soon split either along ancestral lines or based on which headman they chose to follow as they spread north and east across Baluchistan. Some sources indicate the Baluch are essentially made up of three or five main tribal groupings, though these vary according to the source. Some list the Narui, Rind, and Magzi, some the Rind, Magzi, and Lashari, and some the Rind, Hot, Lashari, Kaheri, and Jatoi.25 In addition to these, there were several other unaffiliated Baluch tribes. These divisions seem to serve little purpose today. Though a Baluch tribe may hearken back to their Rind or Lashari origins, they are independent of these tribes.

Analysis of multiple sources indicates the following are the primary Baluch tribes in Pakistan:26

PAKISTANI BALUCH

Bugti:
Durrag/Nothani/Khalpar/Masori/Mondrani/Notheri/Perozani/Raheja/Shambani.
Bugti (aka Bughti): An eastern Baluch tribe located almost exclusively in Dera Bugti District of Sibi Division, Baluchistan. A few also live in Sibi District of Sibi Division and Barkhan District of Zhob Division. The Bugtis, along with the Marris, Dombkis, and Jakranis, are known as the “hill tribes” and have historically been more independent and warlike than the rest of the Baluch. In the past they raided their neighbors, including those in Sindh and Punjab Provinces, and were the most troublesome Baluch tribes for the British. Today the Marri and Bugti tribes lead the Baluch nationalist movement, along with the Mengal Brahuis. As of 1951, there were approximately 31,000 Bugtis..

Buledi:
Gholo/Hajija/Jafuzai/Kahorkani/Kotachi/Lauli/Pitafi/Raite.
Buledi (aka Boledi, Bolidi, Buledhi, Bulethi, Burdi): Originally located near the coasts of Iran and Pakistan, the Buledi moved north and east into Kalat Division, Baluchistan and northern Sindh, near the Indus River, having been pushed out of Mekran by the Gichki tribe. Some likely remained in Sistan va Baluchestan Province, Iran and Mekran Division, Baluchistan. Most sources list the Buledi as belonging to the eastern Baluch, but some list them as western. One source lists them as a Rind clan. As of 1951, there were approximately 12,500 Buledis.

Buzdar:
Gulman/Namurdi.
Buzdar (aka Bozdar): Located in Dera Ghazi Khan District, Punjab. The Buzdars are of Rind descent, but have become an independent tribe.

Chandia:
Chandia (aka Chandya): Located primarily between the Indus River in Sindh and the Baluchistan border where they have reportedly assimilated with the local inhabitants. They also reside in Dera Ismail Khan District of the North-West Frontier Province and Muzaffargarh District, Punjab. They may have originally been a Leghari Baluch clan.

Dombki:
Baghdar/Bhand/Brahmani/Dinari/DirKhani/Fattwani/Gabol/Galatta/Galoi/Ghaziari/Gishkaun/ Gurgel/Hara/Jekrani/Jumnani/Khosa/Lashari/Mirozai/Muhammandani/Shabkor/Singiani/Sohriani/Talani/Wazirani.
Dombki (aka Domki, Dumki): An eastern Baluch tribe located primarily in the vicinity of Lahri in Bolan District of Nasirabad Division,Baluchistan, but also found in Sindh. The Dombkis are hill tribes, and like the Marri and Bugti, carried out raids against their neighbors up to the late 1800s. The Dombki, Marri, Bugti, and Jakrani tribes often feuded with and raided one another, but sometimes allied against other tribes or the British. Dombkis are reputedly the storytellers of the Baluch and the recorders of Baluch genealogy. As of 1951, there were approximately 14,000 Dombkis.

Drishak:
Drishak: Located primarily in the vicinity of Asni in Dera Ghazi Khan District, Punjab. The plains tribes between the eastern border of Baluchistan and the Indus River in Punjab and Sindh, including the Drishaks, Gurchanis, Lunds, and Mazaris, suffered most from the raids conducted by the hill tribes, the Bugtis, Dombkis, Jakranis, and Marris. The plains tribes generally cooperated with the British who controlled Punjab and Sindh
from the mid-1800s to mid-1900s.

Gichki:
Dinarzai/Isazai.
Gichki (aka Ghichki): A western Baluch tribe located primarily in Panjgur District of Mekran Division, Baluchistan. The Gichkis are not ethnically Baluch, likely originating in Sindh or India as Sikhs or Rajputs, but now speak Baluchi and have become assimilated into the Baluch. The Gichki likely also absorbed a number of smaller Baluch tribes in the Mekran region. The Gichki reportedly entered Mekran around the end of the 17th century and, though a small tribe, by inter-marrying and using other tribal militias, soon became a powerful tribe in the area. In the late 1700s, the Brahui Khan of Kalat seized control of the Mekran region, but allowed the Gichki chiefs to manage it as a state within the Khanate. In the late 1800s,
the Nausherwanis, who had entered western Baluchistan from Iran and settled in Kharan District of Kalat Division, expanded into Mekran, reducing Gichki power until the British checked their advances. As of 1951, there were approximately 3,500 Gichkis.


Gurchani:

Chang/Durkani/Holawani/Hotwani/Jikskani/Jogiani/Khalilani/Lashari/Pitafi
/Shaihakani/Suhrani.
Gurchani (aka Garshani, Gorchani, Gurcshani): Located in the vicinity of Lalgarh, near Harrand in Dera Ghazi Khan District, Punjab. They are reportedly originally descended from the Dodai, a once important tribe that no longer exists. The Gurchani tribe has over time absorbed elements of the Buledi, Lashari, and Rind Baluch. The plains tribes between the eastern border of Baluchistan and the Indus River in Punjab and Sindh, including
the Drishaks, Gurchanis, Lunds, and Mazaris, suffered most from the raids conducted by the hill tribes, the Bugtis, Dombkis, Jakranis, and Marris.
The plains tribes generally cooperated with the British who controlled Punjab and Sindh from the mid-1800s to mid-1900s.

Hot:
Singalu.
Hot (aka Hut): Located primarily in central Mekran Division, Baluchistan, but also found in the vicinity of Bampur in Sistan va Baluchestan, Iran. They are a significant tribe in both areas. According to legend, they are one of the five original Baluch tribes, descended from Jalal Khan, the others being the Jatoi, Kaheri, Lashari, and Rind tribes, though others say they are the aboriginal inhabitants of the Mekran region and are not ethnic Baluch.

Jamali: Babar/Bhandani/Dhoshli/Manjhi/Mundrani/Pawar/Rehanwala/Sahriani/Shahaliani/ Shahalzal/Taharani/Tingiani/Waswani/Zanwrani.
Jamali: An eastern Baluch tribe located primarily in northern Sindh, but also found in Nasirabad Division, Baluchistan, on the border between Baluchistan and Sindh. As of the late 1800s, they were reported to be a small, poor tribe of farmers and herders, numbering about 2,500. As of 1951, there were approximately 15,000 Jamalis.

Jatoi:
Jatoi (aka Jatui): A wide-ranging Baluch tribe located in the following areas: Nasirabad Division, Baluchistan; Dera Ghazi Khan, Lahore and Muzaffargarh Districts, Punjab; Dera Ismail Khan, North-West Frontier Province; and northern Sindh. According to one source, they are no longer a coherent tribe but are spread among other Baluch tribes. According to legend, they are one of the five original Baluch tribes, descended from Jalal Khan, the others being the Hot, Kaheri, Lashari, and Rind tribes.

Kaheri:
Bulani/Moradani/Qalandrani/Tahirani.
Kaheri (aka Kahiri): A small, eastern Baluch tribe located in Nasirabad Division, Baluchistan. According to legend, they are one of the five original Baluch tribes, descended from Jalal Khan, the others being the Hot, Jatoi, Lashari, and Rind tribes.

Kasrani:
Kasrani (aka Kaisrani, Qaisarani, Qaisrani): Located in the Sulaiman Range along the northwestern border of Dera Ghazi Khan District, Punjab. The most northerly of their clans resides on the border of Dera Ghazi Khan District, Punjab and Dera Ismail Khan District, North-West Frontier Province. They are reported to be originally descended from the Rind tribe.

Khetran: The Khetran tribe is not Baluch and so is not included in the Baluch tree, but they are closely associated with the Baluch and warrant some mention. Like the Gichki, they are thought to be of Indian origin, but unlike the Gichki who have taken on the Baluchi language, the Khetran speak an Indian dialect akin to Sindhi and Jatki. Some sources class the Khetran among the Baluch hill tribes, as they formerly shared the same propensity for raiding as the Bugtis, Dombkis, Jakranis, and Marris. The Khetrans allied with the Bugtis against the Marris when conflicts arose, though conflicts and alliances among hill tribes were short-lived. As of 1951, there were approximately 19,500 Khetrans.

Khosa:

Balelani/Khilolani/Umrani.
Khosa (aka Kosah): An eastern Baluch tribe located in Nasirabad Division, Baluchistan, Dera Ghazi Khan District, Punjab, and in the vicinity of Jacobabad in northern Sindh. Some sources list them as a Rind clan, though one source claims they are of Hot descent. As of 1951, there were approximately 11,300 Khosas.

Lashari:
Alkai/Bhangrani/Chuk/Dinari/Goharamani/Gulllanzai/Mianzai/Sumrani/ Muhammadani/SPachi/Tajani/Tawakalani/Tumpani/Wasuwani.
Lashari (aka Chahi, Lashar, Lishari): An eastern Baluch tribe located primarily in Baluchistan, but also found in small numbers in the vicinity of Bampur in Sistan va Baluchestan, Iran. According to legend, they are one of the five original Baluch tribes, descended from Jalal Khan, the others being the Hot, Jatoi, Kaheri, and Rind tribes. The Rinds and Lasharis, originally enemies, allied and conquered the indigenous populations of modern Kalat, Nasirabad, and Sibi Divisions in the 16th century. As of 1951, there were approximately 11,000 Lasharis.

Leghari:
Chandya/Haddiani/Haibatani/Kaloi/Talbur.
Leghari (aka Lagaori, Lagari, Laghari): Located primarily in Dera Ghazi Khan District, Punjab, but also found in Barkhan District of Zhob Division, Baluchistan and possibly in northern Sindh. According to one source, the Leghari are a Rind Baluch clan.

Lund:
Ahmdani/Khosa/Lund/Rind.
Lund (aka Lundi): Located primarily in Dera Ghazi Khan District, Punjab. The Lund is a large tribe divided into two sub-tribes, one located at Sori and the other in Tibbi. The Sori Lunds are more numerous than the Tibbi Lunds. The plains tribes between the eastern border of Baluchistan and the Indus River in Punjab and Sindh, including the Drishaks, Gurchanis, Lunds, and Mazaris, suffered most from the raids conducted by the hill tribes, the Bugtis, Dombkis, Jakranis, and Marris. The plains tribes generally cooperated with the British who controlled Punjab and Sindh from the mid-1800s to mid-1900s.

Magzi: Ahmadani/Bhutani/Chandraman/Hasrani/Hisbani/Jaghirani/Jattak/Katyar/Khatohal/ Khosa/Lashari/Marri/Mughemani/Mugheri/Nindani/Nisbani/Rahajs/Rawatani/Sakhani/
Shambhani/Sobhani/Umrani.
Magzi (aka Magasi, Magassi, Maghzi, Magsi): An eastern Baluch tribe located primarily in Jhal Magsi District of Nasirabad Division, Baluchistan. The Magzi were historically farmers but occasionally committed raids against neighbors. They, along with the Rinds, accepted the authority of the Khan of Kalat in the late 1700s. The Magzis and Rinds, who border one another occasionally, feuded in the past. The Magzis, though fewer in number, defeated the Rinds in 1830. As of 1951, there were approximately 17,300 Magzis.

Marri:
Bijarani/Damani/Ghazni/Loharani/Mazarani/Miani.
Marri (aka Mari): An eastern Baluch tribe located almost exclusively in Kohlu District of Sibi Division, Baluchistan; some also reside in northern Kalat and Nasirabad Divisions in the Bolan Pass area. The Marris, along with the Bugtis, Dombkis, and Jakranis are known as the “hill tribes” and have historically been more independent and warlike than the rest of the Baluch. In the past they raided their neighbors, including those in Sindh and Punjab Provinces, and were the most troublesome Baluch tribes according to the British. Today the Marri and Bugti tribes lead the Baluch nationalist movement, along with the Mengal Brahuis. As of 1951, there were approximately 38,700 Marris.

Mazari:
Balachani/Kurd.
Mazari: An eastern Baluch tribe located primarily in the vicinity of Rojhan in southern Dera Ghazi Khan District, Punjab, and between the Indus River and the border of Sibi Division, Baluchistan in northern Sindh. The plains tribes between the eastern border of Baluchistan and the Indus River in Punjab and Sindh, including the Drishaks, Gurchanis, Lunds, and Mazaris, suffered most from the raids conducted by the hill tribes, Bugtis, Dombkis, Jakranis, and Marris. The plains tribes generally cooperated with the British who controlled Punjab and Sindh from the mid-1800s to mid- 1900s. Prior to British rule, the Mazaris were known as “pirates of the Indus” because of attacks they conducted and fees they extorted from traders on the river. Most recently, following the rape of a female doctor at the Sui gas facility in 2005, the Bugti, Marri, Mazari, and Mengal Brahuis joined forces and attacked the facility, resulting in gas shortages throughout Pakistan.

Nausherwani (aka Naosherwani, Nawshirvani): The Nausherwani tribe is not Baluch and so is not included in the Baluch tree, but they are closely associated with the Baluch and warrant some mention. Their origins are obscure, but they have now fully merged with the Baluch. They primarily inhabit Kharan District of Kalat Division, Baluchistan and Sistan va Baluchestan, Iran. The Nausherwanis, who nominally fell under the authority of the Khan of Kalat, were the most powerful tribe in the Kharan area as of the early 1900s. Around that time the British checked their efforts to expand south into the Mekran region.

Rakhshani:
Rakhshani (aka Bakhshani, Rakshani, Rekhshani): A western Baluch tribe located in Kharan District of Kalat Division and Chagai District of Quetta Division, Baluchistan and along the Helmand River in southern Afghanistan. There are also Rakhshanis in eastern Baluchistan, Sindh, and Iran. Some list the Rakhshani as a Rind Baluch clan and others as a Brahui tribe.27 The Rakhshanis of Kharan were loyal to the Khan of Kalat and well-disposed toward the British as of the early 1900s. As of 1951, there were approximately 35,000 Rakhshanis.

Rind:
Buzdar/Chandia/Gabol/Godri/Gulam/Bolak/Hot/Jamali/Jatoi/Khosa/Kuchik/Kuloi/Lashari/
Leghani/Nakhezal/Nuhani/Raheja/Rakhsani.
Rind: The Rind is a western Baluch tribe. Their headquarters is reportedly in Shoran in Jhal Magsi District of Nasirabad Division, but they are also located in Quetta and Mekran Divisions in Baluchistan, Dera Ghazi Khan, Muzaffargarh, and Multan Districts in Punjab, and Dera Ismail Khan District in North-West Frontier Province. Many other Baluch tribes claim to be Rinds or descended from Rinds. Many of those listed as Rinds are now completely independent and have long-since moved away from the Rind core. This could account for sources reporting such a wide geographic distribution of the tribe. According to legend, the Rind tribe is one of the five original Baluch tribes, descended from Jalal Khan, the others being the Hot, Jatoi, Kaheri, and Lashari tribes. The Rinds and Lasharis, originally enemies, allied and conquered the indigenous populations of modern Kalat, Nasirabad, and Sibi Divisions in the 16th century. They, along with the Magzis, accepted the authority of the Khan of Kalat in the late 1700s. The Magzis and Rinds, who border one another, occasionally feuded in the past. The Magzis, though fewer in number, defeated the Rinds in 1830. As of 1951, there were approximately 26,400 Rinds.

Umrani:
Balachani/Burian/Dilawarzai/Ghanhani/Jonghani/Malghani/Misriani/Nodkani/Paliani/
Sethani/Sobhani/Tangiani.
Umrani: A small eastern Baluch tribe located primarily in Nasirabad Division, Baluchistan. Some may also live between the Indus River and eastern border of Baluchistan in Sindh. As of 1951, there were approximately 2,400 Umranis.

The Baluch in Afghanistan for the most part have different names and groupings from those in Baluchistan and are not usually included in the Baluch tribal lists provided by British sources from the 1800s and 1900s. The only Baluch tribe tha seems to inhabit territory on both sides of the border is the Rakhshani. The Baluch in Afghanistan are mostly nomads living primarily in Nimruz Province, along the banks of the Helmand River and on the western border of Afghanistan between Kala-i-Fath and Chakhansur (Zaranj). Some sources place them all along the southern border of Afghanistan in Nimruz, Helmand, and Kandahar Provinces, with small pockets farther north in Farah, Badghis, and Jowzjan Provinces. The following are the most commonly mentioned Baluch tribes in Afghanistan:28

AFGHAN BALUCH

Gorgeg:

Gorgeg (aka Gargeg, Ghurchij, Gorgaiz, Gorget, Gurgech, Gurgeech, Gurgich): Located in southern Afghanistan along the Helmand River. According to one source, the Gurgech (Gorgeg) are a section of the Rakhshani Baluch.

Kashani:
Kashani: Located in southern Afghanistan along the Helmand River.

Manasani:

Mamasani (aka Muhammad Hasani, Muhumsani): Located in southern Afghanistan along the Helmand River and in Farah Province. There are also some Mamasani located in Mekran Division, Baluchistan, Pakistan, but their relationship to one another is unclear.

Nahrui:
Nahrui: Located in southern Afghanistan.

Rakshani: Gurgech/Jianzai/Sarai/Usbakzai.
Rakhshani (aka Bakhshani, Rakshani, Rekhshani): Located in southern Afghanistan. They are divided into the following sections: Badini, Jamaldini, Gurgeh, Jianzai, Usbakzai, Saruni, Betakzai, Sarai, and Kalagani.

Reki:
Reki (aka Rek, Rigi, Riki): According to legend, the Reki remained behind in Persia (Iran) when the majority of the Baluch tribes moved into Baluchistan. Many still remain in Iran, but according to one source, some live in central Baluchistan, Pakistan, and southern Afghanistan.

Sanjarani:

Sanjarani (aka Sinjarani): Located in southern Afghanistan in Nimruz and Helmand Provinces, along the Helmand Valley. The Sanjarani Baluch claim to have originally come from Baluchistan about 1800. Some are also located in Iran.

The following are Baluch tribes in Sistan va Baluchestan Province, Iran:29

IRANIAN BALUCH

Baranzai:
Baranzai: Located in Sistan va Baluchestan. They may be of Pashtun origin.

Damani:
Yarmuhammadzai.

Damani: Located in Sistan va Baluchestan. The Damani are divided into the Gamshadzai and Yarmuhammadzai sections. Some may also be located in Baluchistan, Pakistan.

Garmshadzai:
Arzezai/Jehangirzai/Kerramzai/Muhammadzai.

Hot:
Hot:
Located in along the coast in Sistan va Baluchestan, Iran and also in Mekran Division, Baluchistan, Pakistan. As of 1923, they were reported to be the largest Baluch tribe living in Iran. Many of them were nomadic.

Ismailzai:

Ismailzai: Located in Sistan va Baluchestan. Most are nomadic. The Reki tribe borders them to the east. They are noted to be stricter in their religious observances than their neighbors.

Kurd:
Kurd (aka Kurt): The Kurds are thought to be identifiable with the Kurds currently located in northwestern Iran, northern Iraq, and southern Turkey. They were reportedly induced (presumably by the Shah of Persia) to settle in Sarhad, Sistan va Baluchestan in order to keep the Baluch in check. However, they got along relatively well with the Baluch and conducted raids against Persian as well as Baluch territory. While acknowledging their Kurdish origins, they now refer to themselves as Baluch.

Lashari:
Lashari: The Lasharis are a well-known Baluch tribe in Baluchistan, Pakistan, but some are nomadic and live in Iran around Bampur in Sistan va Baluchestan, Iran. The relationship between the Lasharis in Iran and Pakistan is unknown.

Nausherwani:

Nausherwani: Though not originally a Baluch tribe, some sources list the Nausherwanis as such or as a Rind Baluch clan. The Nausherwanis listed as Baluch lived in Sistan va Baluchestan as of 2003. They enjoyed close ties to the Nausherwanis in Baluchistan, Pakistan.

Rais:

Rais: Located primarily along the Iranian coast in Sistan va Baluchestan. Some also live in Mekran Division along the Pakistan coast in Baluchistan.

Reki: Natuzai.
Reki (aka Rek, Rigi, Riki): As of the late 1800s, the Reki were said to be numerous and scattered over southern Iran and between Kuh-i-Taftan Mountain and the Helmand River. They were primarily herders. Reki are also located in Afghanistan, but their relationship with the Iranian Reki is unknown.

Taukhi: Gurgich/Jamaizai/Saruni.
Taukhi: Located in Sistan va Baluchestan. Many of the Baluch tribes in Iran hearken back to Taukhi origins. It is unclear if Taukhi is a separate tribe or a hereditary group encompassing several tribes.

Geography

According to tradition and historical evidence, the Baluch entered their present territory from the west—some legends claim from as far west as Syria—arriving in Mekran in approximately the 7th century. From there they spread north into Kalat Division and east into Sindh and Punjab Provinces. They currently inhabit parts of Baluchistan, Sindh, and Punjab Provinces, Pakistan, parts of southeastern Iran, and parts of southern and northwestern Afghanistan. Some also live in the Middle East, and some may live in Turkmenistan and Tajikistan. Pashtun tribes border them on the north and northeast, Punjabis and Sindhis on the east, and Persians on the west. The Brahui ethnic group, residing in Kalat Division, interrupts the Baluch tribal extent within Baluchistan. Most Baluch practice limited nomadism, though some are settled agriculturalists. The Baluch inhabit an area that varies geographically from mountains, to plains, to deserts, and climatically from semi-arid to hyper-arid. As of 1981, approximately half of the Baluch resided in Baluchistan Province. A high percentage resided in Punjab and Sindh Provinces and Sistan va Baluchestan Province, Iran, and fewer lived in Nimruz, Helmand, Badghis, and Jowzjan Provinces, Afghanistan and the North- West Frontier Province, Pakistan. Some have migrated to the Middle East, primarily to Oman, and Baluch speakers can be found in Turkmenistan and Tajikistan. As of the early 1900s, one quarterof the population of Sindh Province was estimated to be Baluch. As of the late 1800s, the Baluch held most of Dera Ghazi Khan District, Punjab Province. However, as of the early 1900s, the Baluch living to the east of the Indus River in Sindh and Punjab no longer spoke the Baluchi language and had more or less assimilated with their neighbors.
Traditionally, many Baluch were nomadic herders who practiced limited agriculture. Though
cultivation has increased with improved irrigation, many Baluch, especially in the Chagai area of Quetta Division, are still nomads. As of the early 1900s, most Baluch in Zhob Division were nomads, though they were beginning to acquire land. Even settled Baluch tend to view themselves as a nomadic people, the term “Baluch” often being used to refer to nomads in general. During times of droughts, normally settled Baluch might migrate to a more prosperous tribal area, where they would receive assistance from fellow tribesmen. Nomadic Baluch live in blanket tents called ghedans/gedans/gidans, made of goat hair and
generally consisting of 11 pieces, about three feet wide by 15-24 feet long. The pieces are stitched together and stretched over curved wooden poles.
Wealthy families use a separate ghedan to shelter their livestock, but most families live with their animals in the same ghedan. A group of ghedans constituted a tuman. Some hill nomads live in small groups in three to four-foot high loose stone enclosures covered by a temporary roof of matting or leaves. The Kachhi Plain in Nasirabad Division is a common winter residence for nomadic Baluch, Brahui, and other tribes.

The Baluch have at one time occupied, and likely continue to occupy, the following areas:

Afghanistan
Badghis Province:
As of the late 1800s, there were approximately 650 families of Baluch who claimed to have moved there from Baluchistan Province..

Farah Province:
The Mamasani Baluch resided in Farah Province as of the early 1900s.

Helmand Province:
Most Baluch live along the Helmand River. – Deshu.

Jowzjan Province:
A very small number of Baluch lived in Jowzjan Province as of the late 1800s. – Shebergan.

Kandahar Province

Nimruz Province:
Most Baluch live along the Helmand River or around Chakhansur (Zaranj) near the Iranian border.
– Chahar Burja
– Chakhansur (Zaranj)
– Rudbar.

Iran
Sistan va Baluchestan

Oman
Pakistan
• Baluchistan
– Kalat Division:

As of 1951, 79,398 Baluch resided in Kalat Division, in Kalat, Kharan, and Lasbela Districts. A few Baluch also live in Khuzdar and Mastung Districts.

- Mekran Division:
As of 1951, 71,840 Baluch resided in Mekran Division.

- Nasirabad Division:
The Baluch reside in Jhal Magzi District and in southern Bolan District. Some may also live in or migrate to Nasirabad District. They occupy the following villages, among others: Gandava, Bhag, Dadhar, Lahri, Shoran, and Jhal. Some hill Baluch from the east may still winter in the Kachhi Plain in Nasirabad Division.

- Quetta Division:
The Baluch are scattered over the southern portion of Quetta District, Quetta Division. They also reside in Pishin, Killa Abdullah, and Chagai Districts. Many of the Baluch living in Chagai are nomads. As of 1951, 13,233 Baluch resided in Quetta Division.

– Sibi Division:

As of 1951, 110,953 Baluch resided in Sibi Division, most in Kohlu and Dera Bugti Districts.

- Zhob Division:
The Baluch reside in Barkhan and Musa Khel Districts and in the Duki and Sinjawi Sub Divisions of Loralai District.
As of 1951, 25,107 Baluch resided in Zhob Division, most in Loralai District.

• North-West Frontier Province:
Most Baluch in the North-West Frontier Province reside in the vicinity of Dera Ismail Khan.

• Punjab:
The Baluch primarily occupy the area of Dera Ghazi Khan, between Baluchistan (Zhob and Sibi Divisions) and the Indus River. A few Baluch also reside in Multan, Muzaffargarh, and Lahore.

• Sindh:
The Baluch primarily occupy the area between Baluchistan (Sibi and Nasirabad Divisions) and the Indus River.

Tajikistan

Turkmenistan

United Arab Emirates

The following are the significant features and towns found in Baluch areas:
Rivers:

Helmand River,
Nimruz and Helmand Provinces, Afghanistan.

Hingol River,
Lasbela District, Kalat Division, Baluchistan Province, Pakistan.

Indus River:
The Baluch live mostly to the west of the Indus River in Punjab and Sindh Provinces, Pakistan.

Sori River:
There are multiple streams and rivers in Sibi Division, Baluchistan Province, Pakistan named Sori, but the primary is located in Dera Bugti District and flows southeast toward the Indus River.

Valleys:

Kalat Valley,
Kalat Division, Baluchistan Province, Pakistan. Baluch, along with Brahuis, Dehwars, and Babi Pashtuns reside in the Kalat Valley.

Mountains:
• Bugti Hills,

Dera Bugti District, Sibi Division, Baluchistan Province, Pakistan. The Bugti tribe resides in the Bugti Hills.

Central Mekran Range,
Kech District, Mekran Division, Baluchistan Province, Pakistan.

Chagai Hills,
Chagai District, Quetta Division, Baluchistan Province, Pakistan. Many Baluch living in Chagai are nomads.

Giandari Range:
The Giandari Range is located on the border of Baluchistan (Dera Bugti District, Sibi Division) and Punjab Provinces, Pakistan. It is part of the end of the Sulaiman Range. The Bugti tribe inhabits the area.

Kirthar Range,
Sindh Province, Pakistan. The Kirthar Range is located to the east of Khuzdar District of Kalat Division, Baluchistan.

Marri Hills,
Kohlu District, Sibi Division, Baluchistan Province, Pakistan. The Marri tribe resides in the Marri Hills.

Mekran Coast Range,
Gwadar District, Mekran Division, Baluchistan Province, Pakistan.

Ras Koh Hills,
Baluchistan Province, Pakistan. The Ras Koh Hills are located on the border between Kharan District of Kalat Division and Chagai District of Quetta Division. The Baluch living in the Ras Koh Hills are principally nomads.

Sulaiman Range,
Pakistan: The Sulaiman Range runs north and south through Pakistan, roughly parallel to the Indus River, ending in Baluchistan in the Giandari Range and the Marri and Bugti Hills.

Passes:

• Bolan Pass,

Bolan District, Kalat Division, Baluchistan Province, Pakistan: The Bolan Pass has strategic significance as the major communication route between Afghanistan and Punjab and Sindh Provinces, and the coast of Pakistan. It is located at approximately latitude 29 30’ N. and longitude 67 40’ E., about five miles northwest of the town of Dadhar. The pass itself is a succession of narrow valleys between high ranges. The Bolan River runs through it. Some Marri tribesmen live in the area of the Bolan Pass.

Plains:

Kachhi Plain,
Nasirabad Division, Baluchistan Province, Pakistan: Some Baluch inhabit the Kachhi Plain, and some tribes, including the Marri and Bugti Baluch, migrate there in the winter.

Ports:
Gwadar Port,
Gwadar District, Mekran Division, Baluchistan Province, Pakistan: Gwadar Port is located on the Arabian Sea at the entrance to the Persian Gulf. The port is extremely significant strategically and economically, and control of it has caused contention both historically and in the present day. Construction to make Gwadar a functioning deep sea, warm water port began in 2002, and it became fully functional on 21 December 2008. Baluch nationalist groups have opposed the port’s construction, due to concerns the Baluch people will not benefit from its opening. They contend the government of Pakistan will employ the thousands of people required to operate the port from outside Baluchistan, primarily from the Punjab, which will disenfranchise the Baluch residents and also drastically alter the demographics of the area. Many Baluch fishermen have already suffered due to not being able to access their of Oman, who had been forced to flee Oman. Sultan-bin-Ahmed eventually returned to Oman and became Sultan but retained claims on Gwadar, which resulted in a dispute over whether Gwadar had been loaned or permanently gifted to him. Oman eventually sold it back to Pakistan in 1958.

Ormara,
Gwadar District, Mekran Division, Baluchistan Province, Pakistan: Location of Pakistan naval base.

Pasni,
Gwadar District, Mekran Division, Baluchistan Province, Pakistan: Location of Pakistan naval base.

Significant Towns:
Dadhar,
Bolan District, Nasirabad Division, Baluchistan Province, Pakistan: Dadhar is located at the southern entrance of the Bolan Pass.

Dera Bugti,
Dera Bugti District, Sibi Division, Baluchistan Province, Pakistan: Dera Bugti is a relatively small town, but serves as the headquarters of the Bugti tribe.

Gandava,
Jhal Magzi District, Nasirabad Division, Baluchistan Province, Pakistan

• Jhal,
Jhal Magzi District, Nasirabad Division, Baluchistan Province, Pakistan.

Kahan,
Kohlu District, Sibi Division, Baluchistan Province, Pakistan: Kahan is a relatively small town, but serves as the headquarters of the Marri tribe.

Kalat,
Kalat District, Kalat Division, Baluchistan Province, Pakistan: Brahuis are the primary residents of Kalat, but some Baluch reside there as well. Kalat is the headquarters of the Brahui Khan of Kalat.

Quetta,
Quetta District, Quetta Division, Baluchistan Province, Pakistan: A mixed population of Baluch, Brahui, and Pashtun tribes reside in Quetta, along with many muhajirs (immigrants who came from India during Partition). Quetta is the headquarters of the Taliban’s senior leadership..

Shoran,
Bolan District, Nasirabad Division, Baluchistan Province, Pakistan.

Sibi,
Sibi District, Sibi Division, Baluchistan Province, Pakistan.

Military Installations:
Baluchistan nationalist groups are opposed to Pakistan army presence in Baluchistan and contend the Baluch are proportionately under-represented in the Pakistan military in general.

• As of 2006, there were military cantonments in the towns of Quetta, Sibi, Loralai, and Khuzdar.
• As of 2006, three out of Pakistani’s four naval bases were located in Baluchistan at Gwadar, Ormara, and Pasni.

Refugee Camps:
Following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, over three million refugees fled to Pakistan (another 2.9 million entered Iran).

THE BRAHUI (Brahvi)

Ethnology
The Brahuis are the dominant and most numerous race in Baluchistan. British ethnology documents do not fully determine the Brahui origin except to say, they are possibly of the Tartars, while more recent census reports (1998) lend to the possibilities of Turko-Iranian extraction (the same with the Afghan and Baluch).
The name Brahui means “highlander,” as opposed to Narui (Baluch) “lowlander.” They are divided into a number of tribes or khels (kheil) and are a wandering, unsettled nation. The Brahui always reside in one part of the country in summer and in another during the winter; they likewise change their immediate places of residence many times every year in quest of pasturage for their flocks – a practice which is rare among the Baluch
tribes.
The Brahuis are equally faithful in an adherence to their promises, and equally hospitable with the Baluch, and on the whole [as noted by British], are preferred as to their general character.
The 1930 Military report on Baluchistan notes that the “Brahui tribe [is] based on common good and ill; cemented by obligations arising from blood feud. Unsurpassed in strength and hardiness; excellent mountaineers and good marksmen; “mean, parsimonious, avaricious, exceedingly idle…”

Language
The bulk of the present Baluch and Brahui populations are bilingual, and sometimes trilingual. Baluchi and Brahui may be their mother tongues but they are equally fluent in Sindhi and Saraiki.

Religion
Brahuis are all Sunni Muslims and their external forms, such as marriage and interment, are practiced according to the tenets of that sect. They are, however, very lax as to religious observances and ceremonies, and very few of their tomans are furnished with a place of worship.

Location
Occupy the great mountainous band extending from the south of Quetta to Lasbela. In the northeast of Kharan, Brahuis are numerous. Brahui tribes usually migrate to the plains of Bolan District for winter from Kalat, Mastung, and Quetta districts and return to their homes after winter.


TRIBES OF THE BRAHUI

Note: Locational and other relevant information pertaining to Brahui tribes and sub-tribes is available but has not yet been consolidated into product format.

ALPHABETICAL LISTING OF TRIBES

ALPHABETICAL LISTING OF TRIBES
Tribal Element /Ethnic Group/ Tribe/ Division Sub-Division/Section/ Fraction

Ababaki /Brahui/ Mengal (Mingal)/ Shadmanzai/ Pahlwanzai/Ababaki
Adamani /Brahui/ Zahri(Zehri)/Jattak/Adamani
Adamzai/Brahui/Sarparra(Sirperra,/ Sarpara)
Adamzai
Adenazai /Brahui/ Zahri (Zehri)/ Bajoi /Adenazai
Afghanzai /Brahui/ Rekizai /Afghanzai
Ahmadkhanzai/Brahui/Muhammad Shahi/ Samezai (Samakzai)/ Ahmadkhanzai
Ahmadzae (Ahmadzai) /Brahui/Kambarani (Kambrani)
Ahmadzae /(Ahmadzai)
Ahmadzai Brahui Kurd (Kurda) Sahtakzai Ahmadzai
Ahmadzai Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Ahmadzai
Ahmadzai Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Khidrani Ahmadzai
Ahmedari Brahui Sajdi (Sajiti, Sajadi) Ahmedari
Aidozai Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Hammalari Aidozai
Aidozai Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Nakib (Counted among the Sasoli, but really tenants of the Khan) Jahl (lower) Nakib Aidozai
Ajibani Brahui Sajdi (Sajiti, Sajadi) Ajibani
Ajibari Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Ajibari
Akhtarzai Brahui Raisani Rustamzai Akhtarzai
Akhundani Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Akhundani
Alamkhanzai Brahui Langav Ali Alamkhanzai
Ali Brahui Langav Ali
Alimuradzai Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Khidrani Alimuradzai

Tribal Element Ethnic Group Tribe Division Sub-Division Section Fraction
Alizai Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/
Deggaun)

Alizai Alizai Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari, Shirwani , Sherwani) Alizai
Allahdadzai Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Allahdadzai
Allahyarzai Brahui Langav Ali Allahyarzai
Amaduni Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in
Afghanistan-Dehgan/ Deggaun) Tirchi Amaduni
Amirzai Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Zagar Mengal (of Nushki) Badinzai Amirzai
Anazai Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/ Deggaun) Tirchi Anazai
Angalzai Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Angalzai
Azghalzai Brahui Gurgnari Azghalzai
Baddajari Brahui Kalandrani Baddajari
Badduzai Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae)
Badduzai
Badinzai Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Zagar Mengal (of Nushki) Badinzai
Baduzai Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Lotiani Baduzai
Baduzi Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju)
Baduzi
Bahadur
Khanzai
Brahui Nichari Bahadur Khanzai
Bahadurzai Brahui Muhammad Shahi Jhikko Bahadurzai
Bahdinzai Brahui Kurd (Kurda) Sahtakzai Bahdinzai

Tribal Element Ethnic Group Tribe Division Sub-Division Section Fraction
Bahl (upper)
Nakib
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Nakib (Counted among the Sasoli, but really tenants of the Khan)
Bahl (upper) Nakib
Bahurzai (Bohirzai) Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Hammalari Bahurzai (Bohirzai)
Bajai (Barjai) Brahui Bajai (Barjai)
Bajezai Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Zagar Mengal (of Nushki) Badinzai Bajezai
Bajoi Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Bajoi
Balochzai Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari, Shirwani , Sherwani) Umarani Balochzai
Balokhanzai Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Balokhanzai
Bambakzae Brahui Bambakzae
Bambkazai Brahui Muhammad Shahi Bambkazai
Bangulzai Brahui Bangulzai
Bangulzai Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)
Bangulzai
Bangulzai(Bangulzae)
Brahui Bangulzai(Bangulzae)
Bangulzais Brahui Langav Shadizai (Shadi) Bangulzais
Banzozai Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Jattak Banzozai
Baranzai Brahui Bangulzai(Bangulzae)
Baranzai
Baranzai Brahui Kambrari (Kambari) Baranzai
Baranzai Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Baranzai
Baranzai Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Zagar Mengal (of Nushki) Nozai Baranzai
Beguzai Brahui Rekizai Beguzai
Bhadinzai Brahui Kalandrani Ferozshazai Bhadinzai
Bhadinzai Brahui Nichari Bhadinzai
Bhaet Brahui Sajdi (Sajiti, Sajadi) Bhaet
Bhuka Brahui Bhuka
Bhuldra Brahui Bhuldra
Bijarzai Brahui Kalandrani Halazai (Claim connection to the Kalandrani Brahuis)
Bijarzai
Bijarzai(Bijjarzai)
Brahui Bangulzai(Bangulzae)
Bijarzai (Bijjarzai)
Bijjarzai Brahui MuhammadHasni (Mamasani,Mohammad Hassani)
Bijjarzai
Bizanjau(Bizanjo,Bizanju)
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo,Bizanju)
Bizanzai Brahui Isazai Bizanzai
Biznari Brahui Sajdi (Sajiti, Sajadi) Gichkizai Biznari
Bohirzai Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Bajoi BohirzaiBolan Mengal(Comment:May be just the Mengals located in BolanDistrict)
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Bolan Mengal (Comment:May be just the Mengalslocated in Bolan District)
Brahimzai Brahui Lahri Brahimzai
Brahimzai Brahui Nichari Brahimzai
Bratizai Brahui Langav Ali Bratizai
Buddazai Brahui Dehwar (Knownin Baluchistan asDehwar, in Iran-Tajak,in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/Deggaun)Pringabadi Buddazai
Burakzai Brahui Kalandrani Burakzai
Burakzai Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Sheikh Husaini Burakzai
Burjalizai Brahui Shahbegzai Kambrari BurjalizaiChakarzai Brahui MuhammadHasni (Mamasani,Mohammad Hassani)
Chakarzai Chamakazai Brahui Dehwar (Knownin Baluchistan asDehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, inAfghanistan-Dehgan/Deggaun)Mastungi Chamakazai
Chamrozae
(Chamrozai)Brahui Chamrozae (Chamrozai)
Chanal Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo,Bizanju) Chanal
Chanderwari Brahui Kalandrani Chanderwari
Changozae(Changozai)Brahui Changozae(Changozai)
Charnawani Brahui Muhammad
Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)
Charnawani
Chaunk Brahui Rekizai Chaunk
Chhutta Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Chhutta
Chotwa Brahui Chotwa
Daduzai Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Daduzai
Dahmardag Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)
Dahmardag
Dallujav Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Khidrani Dallujav
Darmanzai Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju)
Hammalari Darmanzai
Darweshzai Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju)
Tambrari (Tamarari – also noted as “Tamarari” as a separate clan of Brahuis)
Darweshzai
Darweshzai Brahui Kalandrani Darweshzai
Dastakzai Brahui Muhammad
Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)
Dastakzai
Degiani Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Degiani
Dehwar Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Dehwar

Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-
Dehgan/Deggaun)
Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as
Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/ Deggaun)
Dhahizai Nichari Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae) Badduzai Dhahizai Nichari
Dhajola Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Khidrani Dhajola
Dilsadzai Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Miraji (Mir Haji) Dilsadzai
Dilshadzai Brahui Muhammad
Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)
Dilshadzai Dinarzai Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae)
Dinarzai
Dinarzai Brahui Rodeni (Rodani) Dinarzai
Dinas Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Musiani Dinas
Dodai Brahui Muhammad Shahi Dodai
Dodaki Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as
Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/ Deggaun) Dodaki
Dombkis Brahui Langav Shadizai (Shadi) Dombkis Dost Muhammadzai
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Hammalari Dost Muhammadzai
Dostenzai Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Zarrakzai Dostenzai
Driszai Brahui Kurd (Kurda) Sahtakzai Driszai
Durrakzai (Darakzai) Brahui Muhammad
Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Durrakzai (Darakzai)
Fakir Muhammadzai Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Hammalari Fakir Muhammadzai
Fakirozai Brahui Rekizai Fakirozai
Fakirzai Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju)
Tambrari (Tamarari – also noted as “Tamarari” as a separate clan of Brahuis)
Fakirzai
Fakirzai Brahui Mirwari (Mirwani) Fakirzai
Fakirzai Brahui Muhammad
Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)
Fakirzai
Ferozai Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju)
Umrani (Umarari / Omarari / Homarari – also noted as
“Umarari” as a separate clan of Brahuis) Ferozai Ferozshazai Brahui Kalandrani Ferozshazai
Gabarari Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju)
Gabarari
Gad Kush Brahui Muhammad Shahi Khedrani Gad Kush
Gador Brahui Sajdi (Sajiti, Sajadi) Gador
Gahazai Brahui Langav Ali Gahazai
Gaji Khanzai Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)
Gaji Khanzai
Gajizai Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju)Tambrari (Tamarari – also noted as “Tamarari” as a separate clan of Brahuis)
Gajizai
Garr Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Garr
Garrani Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae)
Garrani
Gazainzai Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari,
Shirwani , Sherwani) Umarani Gazainzai
Gazazai Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Gazazai
Gazbur Brahui Mirwari (Mirwani) Gazbur
Gazgi Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Jattak Gazgi
Ghaibizai Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Hammalari Ghaibizai
Ghaibizai Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju)
Umrani (Umarari / Omarari / Homarari – also noted as “Umarari” as a separate clan of Brahuis)
Ghaibizai
Ghul Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari,
Shirwani , Sherwani)
Ghul
Ghulamani Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Ghulamani
Ghulamzai Brahui Nichari Ghulamzai
Gichki Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Khidrani Gichki
Gichkis Brahui Gichkis
Gichkizai Brahui Sajdi (Sajiti, Sajadi) Gichkizai
Gichkizai Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Khidrani Gichkizai
Goharazai Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/ Deggaun) Mastungi Goharazai
Gorgejzai Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Gorgejzai
Gorgezai Brahui Kurd (Kurda) Gorgezai
Gowahrizai Brahui Raisani Rustamzai Gowahrizai
Guhramzai (Gwahramzai)
Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae)
Guhramzai (Gwahramzai)
Gujjar Brahui Mirwari (Mirwani) Gujjar
Gul Muhammadzai Brahui Raisani Rustamzai Gul Muhammadzai
Gungav Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Gungav
Gurgnari Brahui Gurgnari
Gwahramzai Brahui Mirwari (Mirwani) Gwahramzai
Gwahramzai Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Gwahramzai
Gwahramzai Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Nakib (Counted among the Sasoli, but really tenants of the Khan) Jahl (lower) Nakib Gwahramzai
Gwahrani Brahui Muhammad Shahi Gwahrani
Gwahranjau Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Gwahranjau
Gwand Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae) Badduzai Gwand
Gwaramzai Brahui Rekizai Gwaramzai
Gwaranjau Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Bajoi Gwaranjau
Gwaranzai Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju)
Hammalari Gwaranzai
Habashazai Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Nakib (Counted among the Sasoli, but really tenants of the Khan) Jahl (lower) Nakib Habashazai
Haidarzai Brahui Lahri Haidarzai
Hajizai Brahui Muhammad
Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)
Hajizai
Hajizai Brahui Muhammad Shahi Samezai (Samakzai) Hajizai
Hajizai Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari, Shirwani , Sherwani) Ramadanzai Hajizai
Halazai (Claim connection to the Kalandrani Brahuis) Brahui Kalandrani Halazai (Claim connection to the Kalandrani Brahuis)
Halid Brahui Mirwari (Mirwani) Halid
Hammalari Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju)
Hammalari
Haruni Brahui Muhammad
Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)
Haruni
Harunis Brahui Langav Shadizai (Shadi) Harunis
Hasanari Brahui Kalandrani Hasanari
Hasilkhanzai Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari, Shirwani , Sherwani)
Hasilkhanzai
Hasni Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari, Shirwani , Sherwani)
Hasni
Hirind Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Lotiani Hirind
Horuzai Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Miraji (Mir Haji) Horuzai
Hotmanzai Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Hotmanzai
Hotmanzai Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Hotmanzai
Husain Khanzai Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/ Deggaun) Tirchi Husain Khanzai
Husaini Brahui Muhammad
Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Husaini
Idozai Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)
Idozai
Ihtiarzai Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Nakib (Counted among the Sasoli, but really tenants of the Khan) Bahl (upper) Nakib Ihtiarzai
Isai (Isazai, Esazai) Brahui Gichkis Isai (Isazai, Esazai)
Isazai Brahui Isazai
Isazai Brahui Langav Shadizai (Shadi) Isazai
Isazai Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Isazai
Isazai Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Musiani Kubdani Isazai
Isiani Brahui Raisani Isiani
Issufkhanzai Brahui Raisani Rustamzai Issufkhanzai
Jahl (lower)
Nakib Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Nakib (Counted among the Sasoli, but really tenants of the Khan)
Jahl (lower) Nakib
Jalambari Brahui Mirwari (Mirwani) Jalambari
Jallabzai Brahui Kalandrani Jallabzai
Jamalzai Brahui Rodeni (Rodani) Jamalzai
Jamandzai Brahui Langav Ali Jamandzai
Jamot Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Jamot
Jangizai Brahui Rekizai Jangizai
Jararzai Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo,
Bizanju)
Hammalari Jararzai
Jarzai Brahui Sarparra (Sirperra,
Sarpara)
Jarzai
Jattak Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Jattak
Jaurazai Brahui Langav Jaurazai
Jhalawan
Mengal
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Jhalawan Mengal
Jhangirani Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Jattak Jhangirani
Jhikko Brahui Muhammad Shahi Jhikko
Jiandari Brahui Mirwari (Mirwani) Jiandari
Jiandzai Brahui Rodeni (Rodani) Jiandzai
Jogezal Brahui Raisani Rustamzai Jogezal
Jogizai Brahui Pandarani (Pandrani, Pindrani)
Jogizai
Jola Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, inAfghanistan-Dehgan/ Deggaun) Mastungi Jola Jongozai Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Jongozai
Kahni Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Lotiani Kahni
Kaisarzai Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari, Shirwani , Sherwani) Umarani Kaisarzai
Kakars (Alien group contained among Ali division) Brahui Langav Ali Kakars (Alien group contained among Ali division)
Kalaghani Brahui Muhammad
Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)
Kalaghani
Kalandrani Brahui Kalandrani
Kalandranis Brahui Langav Shadizai (Shadi) Kalandranis
Kallechev Brahui Mirwari (Mirwani) Kallechev
Kallozai Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari, Shirwani , Sherwani) Alizai Kallozai
Kallozai Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Nakib (Counted among the Sasoli, but really tenants of the Khan) Bahl (upper) Nakib Kallozai
Kamal Khanzai Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju)
Hammalari Kamal Khanzai
Kambarani (Kambrani) Brahui Kambarani (Kambrani) Kambrari
(Kambari) Brahui Kambrari (Kambari)
Kanarzai Brahui Mirwari (Mirwani) Kanarzai
Karamalizai Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)
Karamalizai
Karamshazai Brahui Mirwari (Mirwani) Karamshazai
Karelo Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Karelo
Karimdadzai Brahui Kalandrani Halazai (Claim connection to the Kalandrani Brahuis)
Karimdadzai
Karkhizai Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Hammalari Karkhizai
Kasis (Alien group contained among Ali division) Brahui Langav Ali Kasis (Alien group contained among Ali division)
Kassabzai (Shahozai) Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Musiani Kubdani Kassabzai (Shahozai)
Kawrizai Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Zarrakzai Kawrizai
Kechizai Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)
Kechizai
Keharai Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)
Keharai
Kehrai Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)
Kehrai
Khairazai Brahui Rekizai Khairazai
Khakizai Brahui Kurd (Kurda) Sahtakzai Khakizai
Khalechani Brahui Lahri Khalechani
Khanis Brahui Kambarani
(Kambrani)
Khanis
Khanzai Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Musiani Khanzai
Kharenazai Brahui Isazai Kharenazai
Khatizai Brahui Langav Shadizai (Shadi) Khatizai
Khedrani Brahui Muhammad Shahi Khedrani
Khidrani Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Khidrani
Khidrani Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Khidrani
Khidri Brahui Gurgnari Khidri
Khidro Brahui Kalandrani Khidro
Khoedadzai Brahui Kurd (Kurda) Madezai Khoedadzai
Khurasani Brahui Langav Khurasani
Khushalzai Brahui Kambrari (Kambari) Khushalzai
Khwajakhel Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/ Deggaun)
Mastungi Khwajakhel
Khwashdadzai Brahui Nichari Khwashdadzai
Kiazai Brahui Kambrari (Kambari) Kiazai
Kiazai Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)
Kiazai
Kishani Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari, Shirwani , Sherwani) Kishani
Koh Badduzai Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae) Badduzai Koh Badduzai
Korak Brahui Mirwari (Mirwani) Korak
Kori Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Kori
Kotwal Brahui Mirwari (Mirwani) Kotwal
Kubdani Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Musiani Kubdani
Kulloi Brahui Langav Kulloi
Kurd (Kurda) Brahui Kurd (Kurda)
Lahraki Brahui Nichari Lahraki

Lahri Brahui Lahri
Lahri Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Lahri
Lahrizai Brahui Kalandrani Lahrizai
Lahrki Brahui Raisani Lahrki
Lallazai Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Nakib (Counted among the Sasoli, but really tenants of the Khan) Bahl (upper) Nakib Lallazai
Langav Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae)
Langav
Langav Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Hammalari Langav
Langav Brahui Langav
Laskarizai Brahui Rekizai Laskarizai
Lijji (Lijjai) Brahui Langav Lijji (Lijjai)
Loharzai Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)
Loharzai
Loki-Tappar Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Loki-Tappar
Lotani Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju)
Lotani
Lotari Brahui Kalandrani Lotari
Lotiani Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Lotiani
Ludani (possibly the same as Lotani) Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Ludani (possibly the same as Lotani)
Madezai Brahui Kurd (Kurda) Madezai
Mahamadari Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju)
Mahamadari
Mahmadzai
(Muhammadzai) Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Zagar Mengal (of Nushki) Nozai Mahmadzai (Muhammadzai)
Mahmudani Brahui Gurgnari Mahmudani
Mahmudani Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Mahmudani
Mahmudari Brahui Mahmudari
Mahmudzai (Muhammadzai) Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Mahmudzai (Muhammadzai)
Makakari Brahui Sajdi (Sajiti, Sajadi) Gichkizai Makakari
Makali Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Makali
Malangzai Brahui Langav Shadizai (Shadi) Malangzai
Malikdadzai Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Hammalari Malikdadzai
Malikzai Brahui Gichkis Malikzai
Mandauzai Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, inAfghanistan-Dehgan/ Deggaun) Tirchi Mandauzai
Mandavzai Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Siahpad (Siapad) Mandavzai
Mandavzai Brahui Muhammad
Hasni (Mamasani,
Mohammad Hassani)
Mandavzai
Mandozai Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)
Mandozai
Mandwani Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae)
Mandwani
Mardan Shahi Brahui Muhammad
Hasni (Mamasani,
Mohammad Hassani)
Mardan Shahi
Mardanshai Brahui Muhammad  Hasni (Mamasani,
Mohammad Hassani) Haruni Mardanshai
Mardoi Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Mardoi
Mastungi Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/ Deggaun)
Mastungi
Masudani Brahui Kurd (Kurda) Masudani
Mazarani Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae)
Mazarani
Mazarzai Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)
Mazarzai
Mazarzai Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Nakib (Counted among the Sasoli, but really tenants of the Khan) Jahl (lower) Nakib Mazarzai
Mehani Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Khidrani Mehani
Mehr Alizai Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/ Deggaun) Tirchi Mehr Alizai
Mehrani Brahui Raisani Mehrani
Mendazai Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Musiani Kubdani Mendazai
Mengal (Mingal) Brahui Mengal (Mingal)
Mengals Brahui Langav Shadizai (Shadi) Mengals
Miari (Mihari) Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Khidrani Miari (Mihari)
Mir Dostzai Brahui Kalandrani Halazai (Claim connection to the Kalandrani Brahuis)
Mir Dostzai
Miraji (Mir Haji) Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Miraji (Mir Haji)
Miranzai Brahui Gurgnari Miranzai
Miranzai Brahui Kalandrani Miranzai
Miranzai Brahui Kambrari (Kambari) Miranzai
Miranzai Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Khidrani Miranzai
Miranzai Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Khidrani Miranzai
Mirgindzai Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Nakib (Counted among the Sasoli, but really tenants of the Khan) Jahl (lower) Nakib Mirgindzai
Mirkanzai Brahui Langav Ali Mirkanzai
Mirwari Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Mirwari
Mirwari (Mirwani) Brahui Mirwari (Mirwani)
Misri Khanzai Brahui Shahbegzai Kambrari Misri Khanzai
Mithazai Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Lotiani Mithazai
Motani Ramazanzai Brahui Pandarani (Pandrani, Pindrani)
Motani Ramazanzai
Mughalzai Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/ Deggaun)
Mughalzai
Mughundoi Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae) Mughundoi
Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani,
Mohammad Hassani)
Muhammad Hasnis Brahui Langav Ali Muhammad Hasnis
Muhammad Shahi Brahui Muhammad Shahi
Muhammadzai Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/
Deggaun) Pringabadi Muhammadzai
Muhammadzai Brahui Kalandrani Halazai (Claim connection to the Kalandrani Brahuis)
Muhammadzai
Muhammadzai Brahui Kurd (Kurda) Muhammadzai
Muhammadzai Brahui Pandarani (Pandrani, Pindrani)
Muhammadzai
Muhammadzai Brahui Rekizai Muhammadzai
Mulla Hasanzai Brahui Shahbegzai Kambrari Mulla Hasanzai
Mullazai Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Mullazai
Mullazai Brahui Rekizai Mullazai
Muridzai Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Muridzai
Murrai Brahui Sarparra (Sirperra,
Sarpara)
Murrai
Musa Khanzai Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/ Deggaun)Tirchi Musa KhanzaiMusiani Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Musian

Nakib (Counted among the Sasoli, but really tenants of the Khan) Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Nakib (Counted among the Sasoli, but really tenants of the Khan)
Nangarzai Brahui Rodeni (Rodani) Nangarzai
Nasir Brahui Rodeni (Rodani) Nasir
Natwani Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Natwani
Nichari Brahui Muhammad Shahi Nichari
Nichari Brahui Nichari
Nindawari
(Nindowari, also noted as a separate clan of the Brahui- must deconflict) Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Hammalari Nindawari (Nindowari, also noted as a separate clan of the Brahuimust deconflict)
Nindowari Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju)
Nindowari
Nindwani Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)
Nindwani
Notakzai Brahui Sarparra (Sirperra, Sarpara)
Notakzai
Notani Brahui Mahmudari Notani
Notani Chhutta Brahui Langav Ali Notani Chhutta
Notezai Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)
Notezai
Nozai Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Zagar Mengal (of Nushki) Nozai
Numrias Brahui Langav Ali Numrias
Nur
Muhammadzai
Brahui Langav Shadizai (Shadi) Nur Muhammadzai
Pahlwanzai Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Pahlwanzai
Paindzai Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Zagar Mengal (of Nushki) Badinzai Bajezai Paindzai
Pandarani (Pandrani, Pindrani) Brahui Muhammad Shahi Pandarani (Pandrani,
Pindrani)
Pandarani (Pandrani,
Pindrani)
Brahui Pandarani (Pandrani,
Pindrani)
Pandrani Brahui Raisani Pandrani
Pandrani Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Pandrani
Phullanzai Brahui Kurd (Kurda) Phullanzai
Pir Walizai Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/ Deggaun) Tirchi Pir Walizai
Pirkani Brahui Rodeni (Rodani) Pirkani Pringabadi Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/ Deggaun) Pringabadi
Pug Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae)
Pug Puzh Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae) Puzh Qazizai Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/ Deggaun) Mastungi Qazizai
Radhani Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Bajoi Radhani
Rahatzai Brahui Muhammad Shahi Samezai (Samakzai) Rahatzai
Rahmatzai Brahui Kurd (Kurda) Sahtakzai Rahmatzai
Rahzanzai Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Khidrani Rahzanzai
Rahzanzai Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Khidrani Rahzanzai
Rais Tok Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/ Deggaun)
Rais Tok
Raisani Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Raisani
Raisani Brahui Muhammad Shahi Raisani
Raisani Brahui Raisani
Raj-o-kabila Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Musiani Raj-o-kabila
Ramadanzai Brahui Isazai Ramadanzai
Ramadanzai Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari, Shirwani , Sherwani)
Ramadanzai
Rathusainzai Brahui Raisani Rathusainzai
Razanzai Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Razanzai
Rekizai Brahui Rekizai
Rekizai Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Musiani Kubdani Rekizai
Rodeni (Rodani) Brahui Muhammad Shahi Rodeni (Rodani)
Rodeni (Rodani) Brahui Rodeni (Rodani)
Rodenzai Brahui Sarparra (Sirperra, Sarpara)
Rodenzai
Rustamari Brahui Mirwari (Mirwani) Rustamari
Rustamzai Brahui Raisani Rustamzai
Sabagazai Brahui Rekizai Sabagazai
Sabzalkhanzai Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Bajoi Sabzalkhanzai
Safarzai Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Hammalari Safarzai
Sahakzai Brahui Kalandrani Sahakzai
Sahakzai Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Musiani Kubdani Sahakzai
Sahibdadzai Brahui Kalandrani Halazai (Claim connection to the Kalandrani Brahuis)
Sahibdadzai
Sahtakzai Brahui Kurd (Kurda) Sahtakzai
Saiadzai Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Saiadzai
Saidzai Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae)
Saidzai
Sajdi (Sajiti,
Sajadi) Brahui Muhammad Shahi Sajdi (Sajiti, Sajadi)
Sajdi (Sajiti,
Sajadi) Brahui Sajdi (Sajiti, Sajadi)
Sakazai Brahui Sajdi (Sajiti, Sajadi) Gichkizai Sakazai
Sakhtaki Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Sakhtaki
Salabi Brahui Mirwari (Mirwani) Salabi
Salahizai Brahui Kalandrani Salahizai
Salarzai Brahui Langav Ali Salarzai
Salarzai Brahui Langav Salarzai
Salehzai Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Lotiani Salehzai
Samalanri Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Jhalawan Mengal Samalanri
Samezai
(Samakzai) Brahui Muhammad Shahi Samezai (Samakzai)
Sangor Brahui Mahmudari Sangor
Sanjarzai Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan Dehgan/ Deggaun) Tirchi Sanjarzai
Sannaris (Alien group contained among Ali division) Brahui Langav Ali Sannaris (Alien group contained among Ali division)
Sarajzai Brahui Raisani Sarajzai
Sarang Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/ Deggaun) Mastungi Sarang
Sarparra
(Sirperra,
Sarpara) Brahui Muhammad Shahi Sarparra (Sirperra, Sarpara)
Sarparra
(Sirperra,
Sarpara)
Brahui Sarparra (Sirperra,
Sarpara)
Sasoli Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo,
Bizanju)
Hammalari Sasoli
Sasoli Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Jhalawan Mengal Sasoli
Sasoli Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Sasoli
Sasoli (Sasuli) Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli)
Saulai Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/ Deggaun)  Mastungi Saulai
Sayari Brahui Mahmudari Sayari
Sewazai Brahui Muhammad Shahi Khedrani Sewazai
Shadenzai Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Hotmanzai Shadenzai
Shadiani Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae)
Shadiani
Shadiani Brahui Lahri Shadiani
Shadizai Brahui Kurd (Kurda) Shadizai
Shadizai (Shadi) Brahui Langav Shadizai (Shadi)
Shadmanzai Pahlwanzai Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Shadmanzai Pahlwanzai
Shah Muradzai Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Hammalari Shah Muradzai
Shahakzai Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)
Shahakzai
Shahakzai Brahui Rodeni (Rodani) Shahakzai
Shahalizai Brahui Langav Shadizai (Shadi) Shahalizai
Shahbegzai Brahui Gurgnari Shahbegzai
Shahbegzai Kambrari Brahui Shahbegzai Kambrari
Shahdadzai Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)
Shahdadzai
Shahdadzai Brahui Muhammad Shahi Jhikko Shahdadzai
Shahezai Brahui Langav Shahezai
Shahezai Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Jhalawan Mengal Shahezai
Shahizai Brahui Isazai Shahizai
Shahizai Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Shahizai
Shahozai Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae)
Shahozai
Shahozai Brahui Langav Ali Shahozai
Shahozai Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Khidrani Shahozai
Shahozai Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)
Shahozai
Shahozai Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari,
Shirwani , Sherwani) Alizai Shahozai
Shahozai Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Khidrani Shahozai
Shahristanzai Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Hammalari Shahristanzai
Shahristanzai Brahui Kalandrani Halazai (Claim connection to the Kalandrani Brahuis)
Shahristanzai
Shahwani
(Sherwari,
Shirwani ,
Sherwani) Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari,
Shirwani , Sherwani)
Shahwani
(Sherwari,
Shirwani,
Sherwani) Brahui Shahbegzai Kambrari Shahwani (Sherwari,
Shirwani, Sherwani)
Shambadai Brahui Sarparra (Sirperra, Sarpara)
Shambadai
Shambav Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Shambav
Shambezai Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Miraji (Mir Haji) Shambezai
Shangrani Brahui Lahri Shangrani
Sheakzai Brahui Raisani Rustamzai Sheakzai
Sheikh Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/ Deggaun) Mastungi Sheikh
Sheikh Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Sheikh
Sheikh Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Husaini Sheikh
Sheikh Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Sheikh
Sheikh Ahmadi Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Hammalari Sheikh Ahmadi
Sheikh Amadi Brahui Kambrari (Kambari) Sheikh Amadi
Sheikh Husain Brahui Raisani Sheikh Husain
Sheikh Husaini Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Sheikh Husaini
Sheikh Hussaini Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)
Sheikh Hussaini
Sher Muhammadzai Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari,
Shirwani , Sherwani) Umarani Sher Muhammadzai
Sheruzai Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)
Sheruzai
Shimmalzai Brahui Muhammad Shahi Jhikko Shimmalzai
Shoranzai Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae)
Shoranzai
Shudanzai Brahui Kurd (Kurda) Shudanzai
Siahizai Brahui Gurgnari Siahizai
Siahizai Brahui Isazai Siahizai
Siahizai Brahui Kalandrani Siahizai
Siahizai Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari,
Shirwani , Sherwani)
Siahizai
Siahizai Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Musiani Kubdani Siahizai
Siahizai
(Siahhezai) Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)
Siahizai (Siahhezai)
Siahpad (Siapad) Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju)
Siahpad (Siapad)
Sikhi Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Sikhi
Smailzai Brahui Kalandrani Smailzai
Sobazai Brahui Kambrari (Kambari) Sobazai
Sobazai
(Subazai) Brahui Muhammad
Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)
Sobazai (Subazai)
Somailzai Brahui Langav Ali Somailzai
Somalzai Brahui Rodeni (Rodani) Somalzai
Sulaimanzai Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)
Sulaimanzai
Sumalari
(Sumlari) Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari)
Sumali Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)
Sumali
Sumarani Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Jattak Sumarani
Sumarzai Brahui Mirwari (Mirwani) Sumarzai
Sumarzai Brahui Sarparra (Sirperra,
Sarpara)
Sumarzai
Sunari Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sunari
Sundwari Brahui Sajdi (Sajiti, Sajadi) Gichkizai Sundwari
Surizai Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari,
Shirwani , Sherwani)
Surizai
Surkhi Brahui Rekizai Surkhi
Surozai Brahui Muhammad Shahi Surozai
Tallikozai Brahui Langav Shadizai (Shadi) Tallikozai
Tambrari
(Tamarari – also noted as
“Tamarari” as a separate clan of Brahuis) Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju)
Tambrari (Tamarari – also noted as “Tamarari” as a separate clan of Brahuis) Temurari Brahui Sajdi (Sajiti, Sajadi) Gichkizai Temurari
Tirchi Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/ Deggaun) Tirchi
Tolonti Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/ Deggaun) Tolonti
Trasezai Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Zagar Mengal (of Nushki) Badinzai Trasezai
Tuk-Shahizai Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Tuk-Shahizai
Turrazai
(Tuhranzai)
Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/ Deggaun) Pringabadi Turrazai (Tuhranzai
Umarani Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari,
Shirwani , Sherwani)
Umarani
Umarzai Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Khidrani Umarzai
Umrani Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Umrani
Umrani Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Jattak Umrani
Umrani
(Umarari /
Omarari /
Homarari –
also noted as
“Umarari” as a
separate clan of Brahuis) Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju)
Umrani (Umarari / Omarari / Homarari – also noted as
“Umarari” as a separate clan of Brahuis)
Usufari Brahui Gurgnari Usufari
Usufari Brahui Sajdi (Sajiti, Sajadi) Gichkizai Usufari
Yaghizai Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)
Yaghizai
Yakub Khanzai Brahui Rodeni (Rodani) Yakub Khanzai
Yusafzai Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/ Deggaun) Pringabadi Yusafzai
Zagar Mengal (of Nushki)
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Zagar Mengal (of Nushki)
Zagar Mengals Brahui Langav Shadizai (Shadi) Zagar Mengals
Zahhrazai Brahui Langav Ali Zahhrazai
Zahri (Zehri) Brahui Zahri (Zehri)
Zahri (Zehri) Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Zahri (Zehri)
Zahrizai
(Zahrozai) Brahui Langav Zahrizai (Zahrozai)
Zahrozai Brahui Rodeni (Rodani) Zahrozai
Zahrozai Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari, Shirwani , Sherwani) Umarani Zahrozai
Zakarzai Brahui Langav Shadizai (Shadi) Zakarzai
Zakriazai Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/ Deggaun) Tirchi Zakriazai
Zangiani Usafi Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)
Zangiani Usafi
Zardazai Brahui Kurd (Kurda) Zardazai
Zarkhel Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/ Deggaun) Mastungi Zarkhel

Zarrajzau Brahui Pandarani (Pandrani, Pindrani)
Zarrajzau
Zarrakzai Brahui Zahri (Zehri)

Zarrakzai
Zirakani Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)Zirakani
Zirkari Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)

Zirkari Zoberani Brahui Lahri Zoberani

HIERARCHICAL LISTING OF TRIBES

Group
Tribe Division Sub-Division Section Fraction
Brahui Bajai (Barjai)
Brahui Bambakzae
Brahui Bangulzai
Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae) Badduzai Dhahizai Nichari
Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae) Badduzai Gwand
Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae) Badduzai Koh Badduzai
Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae) Badduzai
Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae) Baranzai
Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae) Bijarzai (Bijjarzai)
Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae) Dinarzai
Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae) Garrani
Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae) Guhramzai (Gwahramzai)
Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae) Langav
Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae) Mandwani
Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae) Mazarani
Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae) Mughundoi
Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae) Pug
Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae) Puzh
Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae) Saidzai
Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae) Shadiani
Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae) Shahozai
Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae) Shoranzai
Brahui Bangulzai (Bangulzae)
Brahui Bhuka
Brahui Bhuldra
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Baduzi
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Chanal
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Gabarari
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Hammalari Aidozai
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Hammalari Bahurzai (Bohirzai)
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Hammalari Darmanzai
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Hammalari Dost Muhammadzai
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Hammalari Fakir Muhammadzai
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Hammalari Ghaibizai
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Hammalari Gwaranzai
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Hammalari Jararzai
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Hammalari Kamal Khanzai
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Hammalari Karkhizai
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Hammalari Langav
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Hammalari Malikdadzai
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Hammalari Nindawari (Nindowari, also noted as a separate clan of the Brahui- must deconflict)
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Hammalari Safarzai
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Hammalari Sasoli
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Hammalari Shah Muradzai
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Hammalari Shahristanzai
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Hammalari Sheikh Ahmadi
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Hammalari
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Lotani
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Ludani (possibly the same as Lotani)
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Mahamadari
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Nindowari
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Siahpad (Siapad) Mandavzai
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Siahpad (Siapad)
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Tambrari (Tamarari – also noted as “Tamarari” as a separate clan of Brahuis) Darweshzai
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Tambrari (Tamarari – also noted as “Tamarari” as a separate clan of Brahuis) Fakirzai
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Tambrari (Tamarari – also noted as “Tamarari” as a separate clan of Brahuis) Gajizai
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Tambrari (Tamarari – also noted as “Tamarari” as a separate clan of Brahuis)
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Umrani (Umarari / Omarari / Homarari – also noted as “Umarari” as a separate clan of Brahuis) Ferozai
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Umrani (Umarari / Omarari / Homarari – also noted as “Umarari” as a separate clan of Brahuis) Ghaibizai
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju) Umrani (Umarari / Omarari / Homarari – also noted as “Umarari” as a separate clan of Brahuis)
Brahui Bizanjau (Bizanjo, Bizanju)
Brahui Chamrozae (Chamrozai)
Brahui Changozae (Changozai) Brahui Chotwa
Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/Deggaun) Alizai
Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/Deggaun) Dodaki
Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/Deggaun) Mastungi Chamakazai
Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/Deggaun) Mastungi Goharazai
Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/Deggaun) Mastungi Jola
Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/Deggaun) Mastungi Khwajakhel
Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/Deggaun) Mastungi Qazizai
Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/Deggaun) Mastungi Sarang
Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan Dehgan/Deggaun) Mastungi Saulai
Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/Deggaun) Mastungi Sheikh
Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/Deggaun) Mastungi Zarkhel
Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan Dehgan/Deggaun) Mastungi
Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/Deggaun) Mughalzai
Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/Deggaun) Pringabadi Buddazai
Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/Deggaun) Pringabadi Muhammadzai
Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/Deggaun) Pringabadi Turrazai (Tuhranzai)
Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/Deggaun) Pringabadi Yusafzai
Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/Deggaun) Pringabadi
Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/Deggaun) Rais Tok
Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/Deggaun) Tirchi Amaduni
Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/Deggaun) Tirchi Anazai
Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/Deggaun) Tirchi Husain Khanzai
Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/Deggaun) Tirchi Mandauzai
Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/Deggaun) Tirchi Mehr Alizai
Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/Deggaun) Tirchi Musa Khanzai
Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/Deggaun) Tirchi Pir Walizai
Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/Deggaun) Tirchi Sanjarzai
Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/Deggaun) Tirchi Zakriazai
Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/Deggaun) Tirchi
Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/Deggaun) Tolonti
Brahui Dehwar (Known in Baluchistan as Dehwar, in Iran-Tajak, in Bokhara-Sart, in Afghanistan-Dehgan/Deggaun)
Brahui Gichkis Isai (Isazai, Esazai)
Brahui Gichkis Malikzai
Brahui Gichkis
Brahui Gurgnari Azghalzai
Brahui Gurgnari Khidri
Brahui Gurgnari Mahmudani
Brahui Gurgnari Miranzai
Brahui Gurgnari Shahbegzai
Brahui Gurgnari Siahizai
Brahui Gurgnari Usufari
Brahui Gurgnari
Brahui Isazai Bizanzai
Brahui Isazai Kharenazai
Brahui Isazai Ramadanzai
Brahui Isazai Shahizai
Brahui Isazai Siahizai
Brahui Isazai
Brahui Kalandrani Baddajari
Brahui Kalandrani Burakzai
Brahui Kalandrani Chanderwari
Brahui Kalandrani Darweshzai
Brahui Kalandrani Ferozshazai Bhadinzai
Brahui Kalandrani Ferozshazai
Brahui Kalandrani Halazai (Claim connection to the Kalandrani Brahuis) Bijarzai
Brahui Kalandrani Halazai (Claim connection to the Kalandrani Brahuis) Karimdadzai
Brahui Kalandrani Halazai (Claim connection to the Kalandrani Brahuis)
Mir Dostzai
Brahui Kalandrani Halazai (Claim connection to the Kalandrani Brahuis)
Muhammadzai
Brahui Kalandrani Halazai (Claim connection to the Kalandrani Brahuis) Sahibdadzai
Brahui Kalandrani Halazai (Claim connection to the Kalandrani Brahuis)
Shahristanzai
Brahui Kalandrani Halazai (Claim connection
to the Kalandrani Brahuis)
Brahui Kalandrani Hasanari
Brahui Kalandrani Jallabzai
Brahui Kalandrani Khidro
Brahui Kalandrani Lahrizai
Brahui Kalandrani Lotari
Brahui Kalandrani Miranzai
Brahui Kalandrani Sahakzai
Brahui Kalandrani Salahizai
Brahui Kalandrani Siahizai
Brahui Kalandrani Smailzai
Brahui Kalandrani
Brahui Kambarani (Kambrani) Ahmadzae (Ahmadzai)
Brahui Kambarani (Kambrani) Khanis
Brahui Kambarani (Kambrani)
Brahui Kambrari (Kambari) Baranzai
Brahui Kambrari (Kambari) Khushalzai
Brahui Kambrari (Kambari) Kiazai
Brahui Kambrari (Kambari) Miranzai
Brahui Kambrari (Kambari) Sheikh Amadi
Brahui Kambrari (Kambari) Sobazai
Brahui Kambrari (Kambari)
Brahui Kurd (Kurda) Gorgezai
Brahui Kurd (Kurda) Madezai Khoedadzai
Brahui Kurd (Kurda) Madezai
Brahui Kurd (Kurda) Masudani
Brahui Kurd (Kurda) Muhammadzai
Brahui Kurd (Kurda) Phullanzai
Brahui Kurd (Kurda) Sahtakzai Ahmadzai
Brahui Kurd (Kurda) Sahtakzai Bahdinzai
Brahui Kurd (Kurda) Sahtakzai Driszai
Brahui Kurd (Kurda) Sahtakzai Khakizai
Brahui Kurd (Kurda) Sahtakzai Rahmatzai
Brahui Kurd (Kurda) Sahtakzai
Brahui Kurd (Kurda) Shadizai
Brahui Kurd (Kurda) Shudanzai
Brahui Kurd (Kurda) Zardazai
Brahui Kurd (Kurda)
Brahui Lahri Brahimzai
Brahui Lahri Haidarzai
Brahui Lahri Khalechani
Brahui Lahri Shadiani
Brahui Lahri Shangrani
Brahui Lahri Zoberani
Brahui Lahri
Brahui Langav Ali Alamkhanzai
Brahui Langav Ali Allahyarzai
Brahui Langav Ali Bratizai
Brahui Langav Ali Gahazai
Brahui Langav Ali Jamandzai
Brahui Langav Ali Kakars (Alien groupcontained among Alidivision)
Brahui Langav Ali Kasis (Alien groupcontained among Alidivision)
Brahui Langav Ali Mirkanzai
Brahui Langav Ali Muhammad Hasnis
Brahui Langav Ali Notani Chhutta
Brahui Langav Ali Numrias
Brahui Langav Ali Salarzai
Brahui Langav Ali Sannaris (Alien groupcontained among Alidivision)
Brahui Langav Ali Shahozai
Brahui Langav Ali Somailzai
Brahui Langav Ali Zahhrazai
Brahui Langav Ali
Brahui Langav Jaurazai
Brahui Langav Khurasani
Brahui Langav Kulloi
Brahui Langav Lijji (Lijjai)
Brahui Langav Salarzai
Brahui Langav Shadizai (Shadi) Bangulzais
Brahui Langav Shadizai (Shadi) Dombkis
Brahui Langav Shadizai (Shadi) Harunis
Brahui Langav Shadizai (Shadi) Isazai
Brahui Langav Shadizai (Shadi) Kalandranis
Brahui Langav Shadizai (Shadi) Khatizai
Brahui Langav Shadizai (Shadi) Malangzai
Brahui Langav Shadizai (Shadi) Mengals
Brahui Langav Shadizai (Shadi) Nur Muhammadzai
Brahui Langav Shadizai (Shadi) Shahalizai
Brahui Langav Shadizai (Shadi) Tallikozai
Brahui Langav Shadizai (Shadi) Zagar Mengals
Brahui Langav Shadizai (Shadi) Zakarzai
Brahui Langav Shadizai (Shadi)
Brahui Langav Shahezai
Brahui Langav Zahrizai (Zahrozai)
Brahui Langav
Brahui Mahmudari Notani
Brahui Mahmudari Sangor
Brahui Mahmudari Sayari
Brahui Mahmudari
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Ahmadzai
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Allahdadzai
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Angalzai
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Baranzai
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Bolan Mengal (Comment: May be just the Mengals located in Bolan District)
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Chhutta
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Gazazai
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Ghulamani
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Gorgejzai
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Gungav
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Jhalawan Mengal Samalanri
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Jhalawan Mengal Sasoli
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Jhalawan Mengal Shahezai
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Jhalawan Mengal
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Khidrani Dhajola
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Khidrani Gichki
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Khidrani Mehani
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Khidrani Miranzai
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Khidrani Rahzanzai
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Khidrani Shahozai
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Khidrani Umarzai
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Khidrani
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Mahmudzai(Muhammadzai)
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Makali
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Mardoi
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Miraji (Mir Haji) Dilsadzai
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Miraji (Mir Haji) Horuzai
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Miraji (Mir Haji) Shambezai
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Miraji (Mir Haji)
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Mirwari
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Mullazai
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Natwani
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Pahlwanzai
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Raisani
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Sasoli
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Shadmanzai Pahlwanzai Ababaki
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Shadmanzai Pahlwanzai
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Shahizai
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Shambav
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Sheikh
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Tuk-Shahizai
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Umrani
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Zagar Mengal (of Nushki) Badinzai Amirzai
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Zagar Mengal (of Nushki) Badinzai Bajezai Paindzai
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Zagar Mengal (of Nushki) Badinzai Bajezai
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Zagar Mengal (of Nushki) Badinzai Trasezai
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Zagar Mengal (of Nushki) Badinzai
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Zagar Mengal (of Nushki) Nozai Baranzai
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Zagar Mengal (of Nushki) Nozai Mahmadzai(Muhammadzai)
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Zagar Mengal (of Nushki) Nozai
Brahui Mengal (Mingal) Zagar Mengal (of Nushki)
Brahui Mengal (Mingal)
Brahui Mirwari (Mirwani) Fakirzai
Brahui Mirwari (Mirwani) Gazbur
Brahui Mirwari (Mirwani) Gujjar
Brahui Mirwari (Mirwani) Gwahramzai
Brahui Mirwari (Mirwani) Halid
Brahui Mirwari (Mirwani) Jalambari
Brahui Mirwari (Mirwani) Jiandari
Brahui Mirwari (Mirwani) Kallechev
Brahui Mirwari (Mirwani) Kanarzai
Brahui Mirwari (Mirwani) Karamshazai
Brahui Mirwari (Mirwani) Korak
Brahui Mirwari (Mirwani) Kotwal
Brahui Mirwari (Mirwani) Rustamari
Brahui Mirwari (Mirwani) Salabi
Brahui Mirwari (Mirwani) Sumarzai
Brahui Mirwari (Mirwani)
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Bangulzai
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Bijjarzai
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Chakarzai
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Charnawani
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Dahmardag
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Dastakzai
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohamma Hassani) Dilshadzai
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Durrakzai (Darakzai)
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Fakirzai
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Gaji Khanzai
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Hajizai
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Haruni Mardanshai
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Haruni
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Husaini Sheikh
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Husaini
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Idozai
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Jongozai
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Kalaghani
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Karamalizai
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)Kechizai
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)Keharai
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)Kehrai
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)Kiazai
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)Loharzai
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Mandavzai
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Mandozai
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Mardan Shahi
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Mazarzai
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Nindwani
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, MohammadHassani) Notezai
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Shahakzai
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Shahdadzai
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Shahozai
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Sheikh Hussaini
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Sheruzai
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Siahizai (Siahhezai)
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Sobazai (Subazai)
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Sulaimanzai
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, MohammadHassani)Sumali
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, MohammadHassani) Yaghizai
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, MohammadHassani)Zangiani Usafi
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, MohammadHassani)Zirakani
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani) Zirkari
Brahui Muhammad Hasni (Mamasani, Mohammad Hassani)
Brahui Muhammad Shahi Bambkazai
Brahui Muhammad Shahi Dodai
Brahui Muhammad Shahi Gwahrani
Brahui Muhammad Shahi Jhikko Bahadurzai
Brahui Muhammad Shahi Jhikko Shahdadzai
Brahui Muhammad Shahi Jhikko Shimmalzai
Brahui Muhammad Shahi Jhikko
Brahui Muhammad Shahi Khedrani Gad Kush
Brahui Muhammad Shahi Khedrani Sewazai
Brahui Muhammad Shahi Khedrani
Brahui Muhammad Shahi Nichari
Brahui Muhammad Shahi Pandarani (Pandrani, Pindrani)
Brahui Muhammad Shahi Raisani
Brahui Muhammad Shahi Rodeni (Rodani)
Brahui Muhammad Shahi Sajdi (Sajiti, Sajadi)
Brahui Muhammad Shahi Samezai (Samakzai) Ahmadkhanzai
Brahui Muhammad Shahi Samezai (Samakzai) Hajizai
Brahui Muhammad Shahi Samezai (Samakzai) Rahatzai
Brahui Muhammad Shahi Samezai (Samakzai)
Brahui Muhammad Shahi Sarparra (Sirperra, Sarpara)
Brahui Muhammad Shahi Surozai
Brahui Muhammad Shahi
Brahui Nichari Bahadur Khanzai
Brahui Nichari Bhadinzai
Brahui Nichari Brahimzai
Brahui Nichari Ghulamzai
Brahui Nichari Khwashdadzai
Brahui Nichari Lahraki
Brahui Nichari
Brahui Pandarani (Pandrani, Pindrani) Jogizai
Brahui Pandarani (Pandrani, Pindrani) Motani Ramazanzai
Brahui Pandarani (Pandrani, Pindrani) Muhammadzai
Brahui Pandarani (Pandrani, Pindrani) Zarrajzau
Brahui Pandarani (Pandrani, Pindrani)
Brahui Raisani Isiani
Brahui Raisani Lahrki
Brahui Raisani Mehrani
Brahui Raisani Pandrani
Brahui Raisani Rathusainzai
Brahui Raisani Rustamzai Akhtarzai
Brahui Raisani Rustamzai Gowahrizai
Brahui Raisani Rustamzai Gul Muhammadzai
Brahui Raisani Rustamzai Issufkhanzai
Brahui Raisani Rustamzai Jogezal
Brahui Raisani Rustamzai Sheakzai
Brahui Raisani Rustamzai
Brahui Raisani Sarajzai
Brahui Raisani Sheikh Husain
Brahui Raisani
Brahui Rekizai Afghanzai
Brahui Rekizai Beguzai
Brahui Rekizai Chaunk
Brahui Rekizai Fakirozai
Brahui Rekizai Gwaramzai
Brahui Rekizai Jangizai
Brahui Rekizai Khairazai
Brahui Rekizai Laskarizai
Brahui Rekizai Muhammadzai
Brahui Rekizai Mullazai
Brahui Rekizai Sabagazai
Brahui Rekizai Surkhi
Brahui Rekizai
Brahui Rodeni (Rodani) Dinarzai
Brahui Rodeni (Rodani) Jamalzai
Brahui Rodeni (Rodani) Jiandzai
Brahui Rodeni (Rodani) Nangarzai
Brahui Rodeni (Rodani) Nasir
Brahui Rodeni (Rodani) Pirkani
Brahui Rodeni (Rodani) Shahakzai
Brahui Rodeni (Rodani) Somalzai
Brahui Rodeni (Rodani) Yakub Khanzai
Brahui Rodeni (Rodani) Zahrozai
Brahui Rodeni (Rodani)
Brahui Sajdi (Sajiti, Sajadi) Ahmedari
Brahui Sajdi (Sajiti, Sajadi) Ajibani
Brahui Sajdi (Sajiti, Sajadi) Bhaet
Brahui Sajdi (Sajiti, Sajadi) Gador
Brahui Sajdi (Sajiti, Sajadi) Gichkizai Biznari
Brahui Sajdi (Sajiti, Sajadi) Gichkizai Makakari
Brahui Sajdi (Sajiti, Sajadi) Gichkizai Sakazai
Brahui Sajdi (Sajiti, Sajadi) Gichkizai Sundwari
Brahui Sajdi (Sajiti, Sajadi) Gichkizai Temurari
Brahui Sajdi (Sajiti, Sajadi) Gichkizai Usufari
Brahui Sajdi (Sajiti, Sajadi) Gichkizai
Brahui Sajdi (Sajiti, Sajadi)
Brahui Sarparra (Sirperra, Sarpara) Adamzai
Brahui Sarparra (Sirperra, Sarpara) Jarzai
Brahui Sarparra (Sirperra, Sarpara) Murrai
Brahui Sarparra (Sirperra, Sarpara) Notakzai
Brahui Sarparra (Sirperra, Sarpara) Rodenzai
Brahui Sarparra (Sirperra, Sarpara) Shambadai
Brahui Sarparra (Sirperra, Sarpara) Sumarzai
Brahui Sarparra (Sirperra, Sarpara)
Brahui Shahbegzai Kambrari Burjalizai
Brahui Shahbegzai Kambrari Misri Khanzai
Brahui Shahbegzai Kambrari Mulla Hasanzai
Brahui Shahbegzai Kambrari Shahwani (Sherwari, Shirwani, Sherwani)
Brahui Shahbegzai Kambrari
Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari, Shirwani , Sherwani) Alizai Kallozai
Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari, Shirwani , Sherwani) Alizai Shahozai
Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari, Shirwani , Sherwani) Alizai
Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari, Shirwani , Sherwani) Ghul
Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari, Shirwani , Sherwani) Hasilkhanzai
Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari, Shirwani , Sherwani) Hasni
Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari, Shirwani , Sherwani) Kishani
Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari, Shirwani , Sherwani) Ramadanzai Hajizai
Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari, Shirwani , Sherwani) Ramadanzai
Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari, Shirwani , Sherwani) Siahizai
Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari, Shirwani , Sherwani) Surizai
Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari, Shirwani , Sherwani) Umarani Balochzai
Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari, Shirwani , Sherwani) Umarani Gazainzai
Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari, Shirwani , Sherwani) Umarani Kaisarzai
Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari, Shirwani , Sherwani) Umarani Sher Muhammadzai
Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari, Shirwani , Sherwani) Umarani Zahrozai
Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari, Shirwani , Sherwani) Umarani
Brahui Shahwani (Sherwari, Shirwani , Sherwani)
Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Balokhanzai
Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Daduzai
Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Dehwar
Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Gwahramzai
Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Hotmanzai Shadenzai
Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Hotmanzai
Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Isazai
Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Loki-Tappar
Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Mahmudani
Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Muridzai
Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Razanzai
Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Saiadzai
Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Sakhtaki
Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Sheikh Husaini
Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari)
Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Sheikh Husaini Burakzai
Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Sikhi
Brahui Sumalari (Sumlari) Zahri (Zehri)
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Bajoi Adenazai
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Bajoi Bohirzai
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Bajoi Gwaranjau
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Bajoi Radhani
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Bajoi Sabzalkhanzai
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Bajoi
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Jattak Adamani
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Jattak Banzozai
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Jattak Gazgi
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Jattak Jhangirani
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Jattak Sumarani
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Jattak Umrani
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Jattak
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Khidrani Ahmadzai
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Khidrani Alimuradzai
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Khidrani Dallujav
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Khidrani Gichkizai
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Khidrani Miari (Mihari)
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Khidrani Miranzai
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Khidrani Rahzanzai
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Khidrani Shahozai
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Khidrani
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Lotiani Baduzai
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Lotiani Hirind
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Lotiani Kahni
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Lotiani Mithazai
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Lotiani Salehzai
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Lotiani
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Musiani Dinas
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Musiani Khanzai
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Musiani Kubdani Isazai
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Musiani Kubdani Kassabzai (Shahozai)
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Musiani Kubdani Mendazai
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Musiani Kubdani Rekizai
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Musiani Kubdani Sahakzai
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Musiani Kubdani Siahizai
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Musiani Kubdani
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Musiani Raj-o-kabila
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Musiani
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Ajibari
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Akhundani
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Degiani
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Garr
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Gwahranjau
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Hotmanzai
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Jamot
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Karelo
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Kori
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Lahri
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Nakib (Counted among the Sasoli, but really tenants of the Khan)
Bahl (upper) Nakib Ihtiarzai
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Nakib (Counted among the Sasoli, but really tenants of the Khan)
Bahl (upper) Nakib Kallozai
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Nakib (Counted among the Sasoli, but really tenants of the Khan)
Bahl (upper) Nakib Lallazai
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Nakib (Counted among the Sasoli, but really tenants of the Khan)
Bahl (upper) Nakib
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Nakib (Counted among the Sasoli, but really tenants of the Khan) Jahl (lower) Nakib Aidozai
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Nakib (Counted among the Sasoli, but really tenants of the Khan) Jahl (lower) Nakib Gwahramzai
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Nakib (Counted among the Sasoli, but really tenants of the Khan) Jahl (lower) Nakib Habashazai
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Nakib (Counted among the Sasoli, but really tenants of the Khan) Jahl (lower) Nakib Mazarzai
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Nakib (Counted among the Sasoli, but really tenants of the Khan) Jahl (lower) Nakib Mirgindzai
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Nakib (Counted among the Sasoli, but really tenants of the Khan) Jahl (lower) Nakib
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Nakib (Counted among the Sasoli, but really tenants of the Khan)
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Pandrani
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli) Sheikh
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sasoli (Sasuli)
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Sunari
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Zarrakzai Dostenzai
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Zarrakzai Kawrizai
Brahui Zahri (Zehri) Zarrakzai
Brahui Zahri (Zehri)

Reference:

1. http://www.geocities.com/pak_history/baluchistan.html accessed on 15 August 2009.
2. The Brahui tribes were probably in the region long before the arrival of the migrating series of invaders from the east and may have been the original inhabitants of the region.
Alone among the region’s inhabitants, the Brahui speak Dravidian, a language found deep within India.
3. http://www.geocities.com/pak_history/baluchistan.html accessed on 15 August 2009 and Asimov, M.S. and Bosworth, Clifford Edmund, History of Civilizations of Central Asia,
Vol. 4, UNESCO, 1999, pg. 302.
4. Imperial Gazatteer of India, Provincial Series: Baluchistan, Vol. 3, Calcutta, 1908, pg. 28
5. Ibid, pg. 14.
6. Gait, Edward Albert, Census of India, 1901, pg. 67.
7. Ibid, pg. 66.
8. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kalat_(princely_state). Accessed 10 August 2009.
9. See Selig Harrison, In Afghanistan’s Shadow: Baluch Nationalism and Soviet Temptation, Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1981.
10. In March 1948, the Pakistani army surrounded Kalat city and attacked the Khan’s palace with jets left behind by the British, killing more than 50 Baluch soldiers, looted the palace, removed records, and arrested Khan Ahmadyar Khan.
11. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Balochistan_conflict accessed 20 August 2009. Additional information is available in Selig Harrison’s “Nightmare in Baluchistan,” Foreign Policy,
No. 32 (Autumn, 1978), pg. 145.
12. Bruce, C.E., Waziristan, 1936-1937: Problems and Solutions, Aldershot: Gale and Polder, pg. 52.
13. Ibid, pg. 54.
14. Harrison, pg. 139.
15. Harrison, pp. 139-140.
16. http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,1022648,00.html accessed 20 August 2009.
17. Ibid.
18. http://www.dawn.com/2006/08/27/top1.htm accessed 21 August 2009.
19. http://www.paktribune.com/news/print.php?id=158760 accessed 21 August 2009. According to the article, Pakistan intelligence agencies located Brahmdakh and
demanded of Afghan government to hand him over to Pakistani authorities. Pakistan intelligence agencies demanded the Afghans hand over Brahmdakh to Pakistan as he was
involved in several acts of murder and terrorism, their usual complaint about tribal leaders leading insurgencies.
20. Papers Related to the Affairs of Khelat, No. 482, dated 14th December 1869, Enclosure 3 in No. 1, from R. G. Sandeman, Officiating Deputy Commissioner, Dera Ghazee Khan
to Lieutenant-Colonel S. F. Graham, Commissioner and Superintendent, Derajat Division.
21. Papers Related to the Affairs of Khelat, Enclosure 1 in No.1, No. 8, dated 11th January 1870, from Lieutentant-Colonel S. F. Graham, Commissioner and Superintendent, Derajat
Division. To T. H. Thornton, Esq., D. L. C., secretary to the Government of Punjab.
22. Kukreja, Veena, Contemporary Pakistan: Political Processes, Conflicts, and Crises, pg. 131.
23. The Marri tribe does not use the same terms for its elements. Some sources refer to the element between tuman and pali as a takkar rather than a para.
24. Tribe, clan, or division/section heads are often referred to as sardars as well.
25. Narui or Nharui is also a term meaning “non-hill men” often used by the Brahui ethnic group to refer to all Baluch.
26. This list is far from comprehensive and includes only those Baluch tribes most commonly listed.
27. There are likely several different Rakhshani groups that may have split from a single source to become independent tribes or join other tribes.
28. Little is known about the Baluch living in Afghanistan. They do not seem to have a significant relationship with the Baluch in Iran or Pakistan.
29. Little is known about the Baluch living in Iran. With the exception of the Nausherwanis, they do not seem to have a significant relationship with the Baluch in Afghanistan
or Pakistan. Most information on Iranian Baluch comes from two sources from the early 1900s.

…………………………………

Tribal Analysis Center

Traditional anthropological research conducted among tribes inhabiting remote areas where insurgents and criminals operate has become increasingly difficult to implement. Studies carried out among people living in small-scale societies now are nearly impossible due to the physical dangers associated with the civil and religious unrest found in those areas. Swat, for example, has become
so dangerous that Frederick Barth’s studies only could be repeated at the risk of the investigator’s life. Similar research is not feasible among Burma’s Rohinga tribes located on both sides of the border with Bangladesh, as well as with the Pashtuns in Afghanistan’s interior and within Pakistan’s Federally Administered Tribal Areas, where even Pakistan’s army enters with reluctance. Given the difficulties of conducting direct fieldwork in conflictive areas, the Tribal Analysis Center utilizes an indirect approach. Using multidisciplinary research, we seek to collect and analyze data obtained from a wide variety of sources, both current and historical. In the absence of new ethnographic fieldwork to update our base of knowledge, the Tribal Analysis Center compiles and summarizes existing research and documents on tribal societies, combining this material with contemporary press reports and articles. We assume that much can be gleaned from well-informed observers who are not anthropologists, ranging from journalists and travelers to government officials.

Please visit us at:
http://www.tribalanalysiscenter.com

Tribal Distribution map

 
Comments Off

Posted by on December 24, 2011 in Baloch Culture, Balochistan

 

A Cultural Anthropology of Baluchs


By: Pirmohamad M. Zehi
Edited by: Shapour Suren-Pahlav

The Baluchis are the ancient genuine Iranians who have their exclusive and special celebrations and feats.

Basluchis first moved to the region in the twelfth century. During the Moghul period, this territory became known as “Baluchistan.”

Their name, “Baluch/Baloch,” is shrouded in controversy. Some say it means “nomad,” while others claim that it is an Aryan (Old Persian) word meaning “the cock’s crest.”

Balochi language is spoken in Iran, Pakistan, Afghanistan, India, the Persian Gulf Arab-States, Turkmenistan and East Africa. It is classified as a member of the Iranian group of the Indo-European language family which includes Kurdish, Persian, Pashto, Dari, Tajik, Ossetian. Baluchi is closely related to Kurdish and Persian.

There are two main dialects: Eastern and Western. It is difficult to estimate the total number of Baluchi speakers, but there are probably around six million, most of whom speak Western Baluchi, which is also the dialect that has been most widely used in Baluchi literature. Within the Western dialect are two further dialects, Rakhshani (in the northern areas) and Makrani (in the south). The areas where Eastern Baluchi dialects are spoken (the north-eastern areas of Pakistani Baluchistan, Punjab and Sindh) are in many ways less developed, especially when it comes to education, which accounts for why it is little used in the written form.

For a curious visitor who arrives in ancient province of Sakestan, or today Sistan va Baluchistan, the first interesting issue that attracts the attention most is the way Baluchis are dressed up. Baluchis have preserved their way of clothing with a slight change.

Men wear long shirts, loose pants resembling Partho-Sasanid outfits, added by a turban around their heads while women put on loose dress and pants with needle works that are special of the people of the area and is not common in other parts of the country.

The upper part of the dress and sleeves are decorated with needle works, an artistic work that is specific of the clothing of the women Baluchis. They cover their hair with a scarf that is called `Sarig’ in the local dialect.

Baluchi women usually put on gold ornaments such as necklace and bracelet but their special jewelry is `Dorr’ or heavy earrings that are fastened to the head with gold chains so that their heavy weight will not cause the tearing of the ear. They usually wear a gold brooch called `Tasni’ that are made by local jewelers in various shapes and are used to fasten the two parts of the dress over the chest.

Apart from the dressing style of the Baluchis, there are interesting points in the way they live and in their traditions and customs that this article tries to illustrate in parts. Indigenous and local traditions and customs were of greater importance to the Baluchis in the past as apparently up to about half a century ago when the central and provincial government of the chieftains were imposed as the individual dictatorships.

Therefore, it can be concluded that there were no formulated laws and regulations in order to regulate social behaviors. Under such circumstances, traditions and customs in fact filled the vacuum caused by the absence of laws which were used in the regulation of many social relations and therefore enjoyed special credit among the Baluchi tribal people.

Abdolghaffar Nadim in his book `Gashin’ that is written in Baluchi language says: “The Baluchi folklore is being inspired by the Baluchi way of life and, therefore, could have addressed many needs of the tribal people who were forced to settle their disputes on the basis of their traditions and customs in the absence of a powerful central government.”

Here, it is only enough to review the Baluchi traditions within the two categories of cooperation and feasts:

A.COOPERATION

1. Beggari:
This is a custom specific of the time when the Baluchi youth reaches the age of marriage but apparently his family cannot afford the marriage expenses due to their economic condition. Under such circumstances, the youth would go to his relatives and friends and would discuss with them his decision about marriage and would ask for their `Beggari’, or in other words, their contribution.

Such a tradition is so strongly respected that even the poorest member of the family cannot remain indifferent towards such a demand and feels obliged to pay a certain amount of money in cash or offer material aid. Lack of participation in such a benevolent affair will cause humiliation and disgrace. Therefore, although Beggari is a voluntary contribution, however, a social compulsion can be traced in it somehow. Even in the case of those who have no children and cannot benefit from the advantages of Beggari in future, participation in this benevolent act guarantees further social credit. As a result of this, marriage is being made more easily among Baluchis as the community is meeting the cost.

2. Hashar:
This is a custom that is applied when an individual cannot perform a task alone and needs help of the others.

Traditionally, working for money is not customary, and those who need help would go to their relatives and friends and would inform them of their decision to do a special job on a specific day and for that purpose they need a certain number of work force. Under such circumstances, as many volunteers may join the collective work without being paid.

If the work is accomplished within a day, the only thing that the employer has to do is to prepare lunch and dinner for the workers by usually slaughtering a sheep for making the required food. If the work takes longer, more preparations will be made and new volunteers will substitute the previous ones.

However, there would be enough volunteers to complete the work through collective cooperation, as it is not customary to give a negative response to the call for contribution.

Such a habit is mostly customary in rural areas where people are mainly engaged in agriculture where Hashar is being practiced in various stages of the work from cultivation to harvest. It is also widely practiced in building rural houses and bridges and in collecting dates. Such a habit is still practiced given its positive social effects despite the fact that paid work is gradually established.

3. Bagi:
This custom was widely practiced in the past while these days it is losing importance in areas going through the trend of urbanization.

In the practice of such a tradition, people are used to cook extra food and would distribute it among needy people in their neighborhood. Those who were well off and could have better nutrition would carefully observe this.

The positive social impact of such a tradition has removed the negative feeling of humiliation as receiving Bagi is not tantamount to receiving donations but rather is some sort of contribution among neighbors and is not limited to a specific person or a specific family.

Bagi is not merely confined to consumption but is performed in a wider dimension that forges greater convergence among neighbors and minimizes probable disputes. At the meantime, it helps fair distribution of limited facilities.

4. Divan:
Settlement of disputes in their everyday life is of great importance. In order to solve problems, people would gather in a place and while studying various aspects of disputes, they try to find the best possible solution in an effort to secure satisfaction of the parties involved. The place in the local dialect is called `Divan’ and is normally a house that belongs to the eldest member of the community.

Of course Divan is not merely exclusive for the settlement of disputes but is also used for exchange of information and consultations for the coordination of affairs. However, the significance of Divan at the time of the settlement of disputes lies in the fact that although decision-making at Divan is not legally valid, however, it is applicable and is rarely ignored by the parties to the dispute.

The reason is that presence of the gathering at the place is to some extent the executive and moral guarantee for the parties to the dispute and if one party for any reason ignores the agreement reached at Divan, in fact it would damage its own social credibility. If Divan fails to settle the dispute, the case will be solved on the basis of the rules of the religion.

The tradition of Divan is being gradually forgotten in both rural and urban areas but it is still being enforced among some tribes. A unified Judicial system in fact have substituted traditional Divan and the elderly people are still settling regulations in rural and urban areas but not completely as in primary stages attempts are made to resolve the disputes through local traditions and at the Divans of the elderly.

5. Mayar:

The habit is inspired by a social reality and need for the support of the oppressed against the oppressor. When a powerful individual is oppressing a powerless person for any reason, the former can seek help from a stronger person who has enough power to defend his right. Given the undertakings that the host feels towards the person who seeks help as `Mayar’, he is free either to accept the demand or deny it.

But, as soon as he accepts, the social tradition puts the responsibility of the Mayar’s defense on the shoulder of the host. Of course, the importance of the tradition becomes further evident when the person who seeks help is not guilty and whose rights have been trampled upon. However, when the person seeks help according to the tradition of Mayar, he becomes a member of the family and tribe of the host and can enjoy his support until his problem is solved.

Sometimes the situation will remain unchanged forever and the person who seeks help will remain in the new condition. Therefore, it will become part of the responsibility of the host to find a job for the person who seeks help and puts enough capital at his disposal. This will help enable the powerless people to defend themselves against the oppressors.

6. Karch-va-Kapon:
This tradition is practiced when a person for any reason kills someone else, either intentionally or unintentionally. Under such circumstances an unreasonable feeling of revenge will afflict the Baluchi tribes to the extent that no matter to what tribe the murderer belonged, if he is out of reach, a member of his family or one of his relatives can be killed in his place or, in other words, take revenge.

Under these circumstances many innocent people will become victim of such a revenge merely for belonging to a certain family or tribe. At this moment, in an effort to prevent further bloodshed, the elderly members of the family resort to the custom of `shroud and knife.’ They send the murderer together with a knife and a piece of white cloth to the family of the person who has been killed and they are free either to punish him or forgive him.

However, punishment of the murderer is not a proven act from social and scientific points of view while forgiveness is the manifestation of generosity. For this reason, the murderer will be forgiven and returned to his family.

Sometimes it may happen that in order to remove all the hostilities and misunderstandings, the two families prepare marriages as a means to put aside differences. Of course, sometimes ransom would be demanded. In that case the family of the murderer or the tribe to which he belongs will pay the money.

Although prosecution of the murderer falls within the authority of the law, however, there are still evidences indicating that tribal people are willing to safeguard the tradition of `shroud and knife’.

7. Patardeyag:
This tradition is practiced when there is a quarrel between two or more members of a tribe. The side that is guilty of fomenting the quarrel accepts to apologize but not verbally rather through a mediator who is usually an elderly of the tribe. No matter how deep the difference, the other party usually accepts the apology, as its rejection will cause criticism of others.

Following the acceptance of the apology, the side that had fomented the quarrel will invite the other party to a dinner party through the mediator and a sheep is slaughtered on the occasion. There is no need for verbal apology and normally no word would be said about issues causing the dispute. Holding the Patardeyag ceremony implies acceptance of the apology and removal of all differences.

B. FEATS

1. Mangir:
The important Baluchi traditions are mainly in connection with their ceremonies and feats.

The marriage ceremony stands prominently among such festivities as it goes through different stages starting from engagement to the wedding ceremony. Public participation in the wedding ceremony is normal as in other parts of the country but with slight differences. But there is one exclusive difference in the wedding ceremony and that is the Mangir ceremony.

It seems that the ceremony is a custom acquired by the Baluchi tribes from other customs. Mangir is the ceremony for the simultaneous mass marriage of several couples for various reasons, notably economic considerations.

What further supports the idea is the holding of mass wedding ceremony among lower class people of the society. This would not only reduce the costs but would also economize in time as in the past wedding ceremonies used to last for seven days.

2. Sepat:
Festivities that are held in Baluchistan at the time of the birth of new babies are called Sepat. Some parts of the ceremonies are influenced by superstitious presumptions believing that both the baby and the mother are threatened by a genie called Aal as it awaits the opportunity to seize and swallow the liver of the baby and the mother.

Therefore, in order to prevent such a happening the relatives of the mother and the baby stay awake for several nights and pray to God and seek His help in order to protect the mother and the baby against the genie.

However, there are good and bad customs among the Baluchi tribes that demand more research works and studies.

The Baluchis same as other Iranians are known for their cultural specifications such as hospitality, bravery, generosity, faithfulness, and moral commitment and mostly Iranian nationalism.


*** Note: This article is the courtesy of CAIS at SOAS.

 
Comments Off

Posted by on December 24, 2011 in Baloch Culture

 

Diagnostic study of Balochi Chappal

By: Tahir Malik
RC AHAN Balochistan

Disclaimer
The purpose & scope of the study is to provide cluster level information to the readers. All the material presented is based on primary/secondary data, discussions/interviews with a number of individuals concerned, directly or indirectly, to the cluster, and certain assumptions are also incorporated for the purpose. The information compiled in the document may vary considerably due to any unforeseen circumstances. Therefore, the authors make no warranty, expressed or implied; concerning the accuracy of the information presented, and will not be liable for injury claims pertaining to the use of this publication or the information contained therein.

1. Description of cluster
Small and medium enterprises of Balochi chappal play a very vital role in the economy of Balochistan as they provide employment to about 500 people of Balochistan at Prince Road Quetta only. There are many other small enterprises of Balochi Chappal in other districts of Balochistan. Nearly in every district of Balochistan, Balochi Chappal is made in a smaller quantity as compare to Quetta.
There are many Balochi Chappal producers in different areas, killis of Quetta, e.g. On Jan Mohammad Road, Pashtoon Abad, Sariab Mill, Meezan Chok and Prine Road. Price road is the only area where there are 87 small and medium enterprises of Balochi Chappal. Average employment of each enterprise is 4.

2. Introduction
Balochi Chappal is known as the cultural footwear of Baloch nation. It is made in a large quantity in Balochistan, especially in Quetta. There are more than 100 enterprises in Quetta, which make their products in their shops, where they display and sell them. Average employment of each shop is 4. All the producers are Balochs and Pashtoons, belonging to different districts of Balochistan. It is also being made in other Districts of Balochistan but Quetta is the main place of production.

3. History of Balochi Chappal
Balochi Chappal is being made since the dawn of Baloch nation in the region, which is approximately 95 years ago. The evolution of balochi chappal has come from the southern region i.e. Dera Bugti, Kuhlu, Bolan, Wadd, Khuzdar. Balochi chappal is very much popular in all over Balochistan, because it is the indigenous shoes and is in the civilization of Baloch tribes.
In past time Balochi chappal was completely made up of leather, the sole was also made with leather. Many pieces of leather were joined together and made it hard to some extent and a complete chappal was made. Even at present time, in some tribes of Balochistan such chappals are made used. Such chappal is called Kosh in Balochi. But slowly and gradually when people migrated from tribal areas to cities, they came to know that using leather pieces as sole becomes very much expensive for them, and they also found car tire to be used as the sole. Then they started using tires as the sole of Balochi chappal in place of leather pieces.

4. Geographical location
Cluster is located at Prince Road in District Quetta. Quetta is the capital city of Balochistan and is covered by mountains from four sides. This cluster operates in the middle of the city. In east, there is Liaqat Bazaar which is the main bazaar of the city, on west, there is Jinnah Road. On north, there is Masjid Road and Fathima Jinnah Road and on south, there is Government Science College Quetta.

5. Composition of Balochi Chappal
Balochi Chappal is made of Leather and Car tier. The upper part of Chappal is made of different types of leather and foam. There are many types of leather used to make the upper part i.e. cut piece leather, high kurm leather; foam etc. leather is designed in different shapes for different designs of Chappal. There are many beautiful designs of Balochi Chappal, and are differentiated by the cutting of leather part.

Sole of balochi chappal is made of car tire; both new and old tires are used in making the sole, upper part of old tire is cut and polished for the said purpose. New tire is new, it does not need polish. Old tire is used for general designs and for ordered chappal new tire is used.

There are pieces of tire available for making soles. A piece of *foam is fixed on the tire to make it soft. No any kind of electronic machinery is used for make this unique chappal.

6. Types of Chappal
There are two main designs of balochi chappal.
They are as under:
􀂾 Balochi
􀂾 Shikari

Balochi chappal is mostly used by typical Balochs in cities and other tribal areas of
Balochistan. It has further many types.

Types of Balochi Chappal:
􀂾 Marri cut
􀂾 Jhalawan cut
􀂾 Mangal cut
􀂾 Bugti cut
􀂾 Sada Balochi

These names are given by the artisans them selves, these are all the names of tribes in Balochistan, and one, which is used mostly in a particular tribe, its name is give to that chappal. These types of Chappal are used in all over Balochistan.

Types of Shikari ChappalShikari Chappal is used by Pashtoon. It has further three types
􀂾 shikari
􀂾 Sada shikari
􀂾 Norozi

Balochi chappal is completely hand made, there is no use of any electronic machinery, only in some designs of Shikari and Balochi chappals, sewing machine is used for designing, but all the other designs and fitting is done by hand operated tools.

7. Tools
􀂾 Drashp, (for cutting)
􀂾 Kundi, (for making hols & sewing the sole)
􀂾 Rambi (for cutting purpose)
􀂾 Zamboor, (nail remover)
􀂾 Farma, (mould)
􀂾 Khat kash, (Liner)
􀂾 Plas
􀂾 Scissor
􀂾 Hammer
These hand operated tools are used in making chappal.

8. Raw material
Raw materials used in making Balochi Chappal are as under
• Leather,
• Foam, (type of leather)
• Car tire,
• Solution/glue,
• Thread,
• Nail
• Zip
• Aster
(a thick piece of soft leather placed on the top of sole to make it soft)
There are many varieties in leather, some are available in Quetta and some are not. Entrepreneurs usually travel to Karachi, Lahore and interior Punjab for the purpose. This thing increases the cost of chappal. Local vendors say that leather, which is not available here, is costly and is not used in all designs, if we bring it in Quetta, entrepreneurs may not afford the cost.
According to the entrepreneurs, they bring leather stock for 6 to 12 months, which covers their travel expenses from Quetta to other cities for the purpose. Leather is the most prominent and expensive part of chappal which differentiates in designs.

9. Types of leather
Many types of leather are used in making Balochi Chappal, i.e.
􀂾 High kurm leather
􀂾 Cut piece leather
􀂾 *Foam
􀂾 Sabir (type of leather)
􀂾 *Aster

*Aster is also a type of leather which is used in Balochi chappal. It is fixed on the sole (tire) to make it soft so that it should not heart the foot. Tire is too hard to put on, that’s why a piece of aster is fixed of it by sticking solution.
Car tire is used for the sole of Balochi chappal. As it is being used to walk on the mountainous areas from the beginning, that’s why car tire was used as the sole for it,
tire is too hard and does not finish by fraction for a long time. In past, people did not have much money to buy shoes and they needed something hard which could go for a long time, except tire, there was no any other alternative which could be used for the sole of their chappal. Drashp is used to cut the tire.
Sole and the upper part of chappal are fixed by sewing with hand operated tools. kundi is used for sewing chappal.
Leather is cut in a way that some parts of leather are passed from that holes of the sole
and is fixed there.

10. Manufacturing process
The beginning of Balochi Chappal starts from cutting the leather according to the size of required number, after cutting designs are made on it, (Sizes of each number of feet are already made on a piece of hard paper). Leather is put on that paper and cut according to that. After cutting the leather, sole is cut according to the required size.
*Aster is fixed on the hard tire sole to make it soft. Holes are made in the sole with an instrument (zamboor) and leather parts are dragged from those holes to fix leather with the sole. When they finished with that, a chappal shaped wooden piece (Farma) is fixed in that to make it hard so that they could easily fix its designs, when the incomplete chappal is fixed in Farma, now leather is cut in different designs to fix them on the chappal and a complete chappal is made.

Cut leather
Make designs on leather
Fix leather with sole

Cut tire for sole
Cut Aster
Fix Aster with sole
Fix leather with sole

Fix leather with sole
Assemble & hand stitch
Polishing & finishing
End consumers

11. Explanation of process
Balochi chappal making is very tough job. It needs too much time and hard work. There are some designs which even take 2 to 3 days in completion, due to leather cut designs on them. But a simple chappal can be made in one day by a single worker.
There are two phases of balochi chappal making. In first phase, the upper part of chappal is made and in second phase, sole is made.
Upper part of chappal is completely leather made, leather is cut in the required size
and designs are made on it.
A piece of car tire is taken as the sole, as the car tire is too hard to wear so a piece of *Aster is fixed on tire to make it soft. When sole and upper part are completed then these two parts are fixed together by some hole in the sole. This unfinished chappal is put in the Farma (wooden mould) to fix the leather cut designs on the upper part.
By this way a complete chappal is made and displayed in the outlet for sale.

12. Current output
There are 100 enterprises of Balochi Chappal in the cluster, and average employment of each enterprise is 5. Usually each worker can make 2-5 pairs in a full working day, but the duration of making of a Balochi Chappal depends upon the design, size and the season. Balochi chappal is a seasonal product that’s why the quantity of its manufacturing differs from season to season. Its market rises in summer and decreases in winter. In this way the entrepreneurs also change the quantity of production in different seasons.
But generally, monthly production of each enterprise is 300. In this way the monthly production of the cluster is 6000 pairs.
But this quantity changes with the change in seasons.

Cost breakdown

cost of raw material 65%
cost of labor 16.667%
Travel cost 8.334%
Other misc. 1.667%
Electricity 8.334%
Total 100%

13. Market
Mostly these entrepreneurs rely on direct sale to the end users at their outlets at prince road. Even Balochi Chappal has a great demand in the national and international market, but because of lack of knowledge about the markets and no access to these markets, these entrepreneurs can not take their products to big markets of the country.
Pricing of the chappal is made on fixed profit margin Their products are also taken to other countries by personal relations, which are very much liked by the people of those countries, and earn a great profit from there. But this thing does not give any extra benefit to the entrepreneurs, because these entrepreneurs do not export their items, but they just sell them at the current market price. Extra profit goes to the person who takes them to other countries. According to them, this cultural Chappal has a great demand and market in other countries.
The average sale of these entrepreneurs is 7 pairs/day. Prices of Balochi Chappal start from Rs.300 to Rs.700, because of the expensive and unavailable raw material in Quetta.
These entrepreneurs also make Chappal on order which costs upto Rs.1500. the cost of ordered chappal is high because of the selected design and material of the customers, they make the chappal according to the wish of the customer.

14. Finance
Finance system of this cluster is very weak; there is no concept of book keeping in these enterprises. It is all because the illiteracy of the entrepreneurs. Mostly they are uneducated that’s why they are not able enough to keep the records of their daily transactions. Only few of them keep records i.e. Pazwar, master cappal makers, Noorozi chappal makers etc.
They use the credit terms min. 10 days and max. 30 days. Them main problem in this area is that the suppliers are not willing to provide finance.
These suppliers do not sell their products on credit to the customers from other areas who want to buy on a large quantity because they are afraid of loosing their money.

15. Problems identified
The most common problems faced by these enterprises are as under:

Supply End:
􀂾 Raw matrial is expensive and some types of leather are not available in quetta, they have to travel to Karachi, Lahore and interior Punjab and sindh for the purpose.
􀂾 They need training in designing and product development

Manufacturing:
􀂾 Hand operated tools are problem for them in the production process.
􀂾 Their shops are very much close to the road and are open. All the dust and smoke of vehicles inter directly into their shops which cause many diseases in\ them. i.g. asthma, chest pain, cough etc.

Marketing:
􀂾 No proper market / distribution channel through which they could distribute their products into domestic and international markets
􀂾 They have no resources to develop marketing material, i.e. Brouchers, website, adds in print and electronic media, for the publicity of their products

16. Working conditions
Working conditions are not that much bad. If a local person visits the cluster and observes the working conditions then they are good, the chappal makers are sitting on the floor, working in an open shop having fresh air, in the main bazaar. In some shops, a small piece of wooden table is there in front of the designer where he cuts leather in different shapes and rest of the workers have a piece of huge stone. And in most of other shops, this wooden table is not available; they use the piece of stone as their table and to sharpen their cutting instruments.
But when some one from a factory visits the cluster and observes the working conditions then it will be very painful for him, because he knows the facilities provided for performing different works, and these workers are setting on floor, absorbing polluted air and the disadvantage of such work is, the effect on the backbone of the workers. They set to work from early morning till evening; this thing has a very dangerous affect on the health of the workers. Nearly all the workers complain pain in their backbones after finishing their work.
Fear of cutting their hands by sharp hand used instruments is always there. Their shops are very much close to the road due to which all the dust, spread by the cars, goes directly into the shops and they inhale it. This thing causes many diseases for them. They think that they are sitting in a free area with fresh air but their air is fully polluted with dust and smoke of the cars.
Lighting arrangements are not problems for them because they work only in day time so they do not need extra arrangement for that.

17. SWOT analysis
􀂙 Strengths
􀀹 Quality products
􀀹 Skilled labor
􀀹 Cultural / ancient crafts
􀀹 High consumption in domestic market
􀀹 Large number of producers
􀀹 High quantity of monthly production
􀀹 Hard working workers, spend most of time at their shops
􀀹 Can compete with other shoes companies

􀂙 Weaknesses􀀹 Illiteracy
􀀹 Conservative/tribal community
􀀹 Lack of trust with each other
􀀹 Inconsistency in pricing
􀀹 Low capacity of investment
􀀹 Non availability of raw material
􀀹 Low level of modernization and up gradation of products
􀀹 Have no unions
􀀹 Have no recognized brand name i.e. Bata, Service etc

􀂙 Opportunities
􀀹 Demand of traditional designs
􀀹 Utilization of product as culture
􀀹 Scope in national and international markets

􀂙 Threats
􀀹 Modern / contemporary designs
􀀹 Duplication of their products in low quality and low rate
􀀹 Slow improvement in quality

18. Strategies
Following strategies can be adopted by the government and non government organizations for the betterment of the cluster.
􀂾 Managerial and accounting training for accurate record keeping to minimize risk of loosing products
􀂾 Awareness training to overcome internal grievance
􀂾 Encourage entrepreneurs to invest more in business for greater profit
􀂾 Provision of raw material within the cluster (Quetta), encourage local vendors to provide quality raw material in affordable prize
􀂾 Training of modern designs and awareness training about modern market demand
􀂾 Make registered association for their legal rights
􀂾 Develop linkages with domestic, national and international markets
􀂾 Prepare marketing material to promote sale of this ancient craft
􀂾 Marketing and product development training
􀂾 Provide Micro credit to the entrepreneurs so that they could run their business Smoothly

19. Vision
• Increase sale by developing market linkages. (Please quantify the vision and also include time frame e.g. 3 years or 5 years)
• Modify existing products into modern designs and patterns by designing and Product developing training.
• Confirm availability of raw material within the cluster in affordable prize
• Developing a marketing strategy to increase the sale of Balochi Chappal in Balochistan as well as in National and International Markets

20. Mission
To modify the existing product according to the modern market demand so that the sale of Balochi Chappal increase and these entrepreneurs could get some profit.
Sale of Balochi Chappal can be increased by providing quality raw material in affordable cost, modify the existing chappal according to the need of modern market.
There is no union or team work among these entrepreneurs due to which their production and pricing is being disturbed. We aim to make a registered association which will tackle their legal issues in future.

21. Expected result
􀂙 End users
People who wish to wear balochi chappal but can afford its cost, will be able to buy it, by this way the sale will also increase accordingly.
􀂙 Entrepreneurs
When they get raw material within the cluster, the production cost of cappal will automatically decrease which will increase the sale of their products.
􀂙 Managerial and accounting trainings will make them able to keep proper record of their sale. They will be able to sell their products on credit to the customers from other cities
􀂙 Whole seller
Whole sellers will take balochi chappal to other districts which will increase the sale of these entrepreneurs

Action plan for Proposed Association for 2 year

First 8 months• Product Development
􀂃 Mobilization for group/team work
􀂃 Union / Association formation and registration
􀂃 Introduction of modern market taste and demand
􀂃 Research and information about quality Raw Material
􀂃 Managerial and Accounting trainings

Second 8 months• Sample production
􀂃 Product Development Training
􀂃 Marketing training
􀂃 Designing training
􀂃 Quality sample production
􀂃 Searching for markets for quality raw material
􀂃 Contact with raw material dealers in other cities for raw material

Third 8 months
• Marketing and publicity
􀂃 Preparation of Marketing material (printing brouchers, making
Website, ads in print and electronic media)
􀂃 Searching for reasonable Local, National and International
markets
􀂃 Linkage development with Local, National and International
markets

* Foam is a type of leather which is comparatively softer then the other types of leather

 
Leave a comment

Posted by on October 6, 2011 in Baloch Culture

 

Pile Rugs of The Baluch and Their Neighbors

This slideshow requires JavaScript.

By Dr. Dietrich H. G. Wegner

Pile rugs are an important part of the material culture of Central Asian peoples. The attraction that emanates from these textiles inspires us to learn more about the people that produce them.

Traditional patterns and colors, the way to combine them, as well as the material and the techniques of production are often determined by the ethnic origin of the weavers. This background also explains the way in which man and his product reflect foreign influences. This aspect for the Baluch and their rugs shall be studied in the following series.

History and Geographical Distribution of the Baluch

Exact dates concerning the history of the Baluch are rare. Conclusions about their origin are all based on linguistic studies. According to these, Baluch is a separate Indo-European language with relations to the Middle Persian, the Kurdish and the Parthian languages. This indicates an original home south of the Caspian Sea (Elfenbein 1960:1038). History mentions the Baluch for the first time as nomads in the area of Kirman, whichwas conquered by the Arabs in 644. In response to the expansion of the Seljuks the Baluch began to evade and retreat to the southeast at the end of the 10th century. Continuous massive raids by the Baluch into Khorassan and Sistan triggered counter attacks during which they suffered heavy losses. Their defeat at Khabis by Mas’ud of Ghazna was very probably decisive; forcing the majority of the Baluch to move through Sistan into the area that is today known as Baluchistan (Frye 1960:1036). In the east, at the coast of the Indian Ocean called Mekran, they came upon the Djat and further north upon the Brahu’i nomads, who were partly absorbed by the Baluch1. Until the 17th century groups of these eastern Baluch spread into Sindh and further into Pandjab. There they are mentioned among the troops that helped the Mogul emperor Homayun to conquer Delhi (Frye 1960:1036). It is interesting to note that the Baluch never formed influential political organizations, as we know of them from Turks and Turkomans. But even subtribes and clans kept kept their total independence to the point of fierce battles developing among themselves.

The accompanying map explains the actual distribution of the Baluch, though incompletely, and does not tell us anything about the history of the Baluch north of Sistan, in a hundreds of kilometers wide strip, east and west of today’s Iranian/Afghan border, and up to the Soviet Turkmen Republic. The history of those Baluch is, however, of utmost interest, since only they, who actually live outside the geographical region of Baluchistan, have a tradition of pile weaving. The patterns in their rugs lead us to the question why these “north” Baluch do not utilize typical Baluch motifs as they are used by their southern brothers, but rather apply ethnologically foreign Turkoman designs. Among those designs are, especially in older rugs, very attractive tribal guls. The answer to that may lie in the fact that these Baluch had close contacts to Turkoman tribes whose tribal device they had to learn to reproduce as soon as they fell under Turkoman rule (Moshkova 1948:32). A hint at the possibility of very early contacts can be found in Moinuddin Isifizari’s “Rauzat ul Jannatfi-‘l-ausaf-i-Madinat-‘l-Herat” (Tate 1977:367 and Bijarani 1974:285). According to this, the Baluch nomads constituted already in the 14th century a great part of the population in the area north of Herat and up to the region of Badghiz. Oral history (Yate 1888 and Wegner 1978:287) underlines the above report. With all required discretion one can imagine how Baluch from Sistan came into this region that up until the 19th century always had been influenced by Turkomans. Without doubt, later on Baluch groups came also from Sistan to the north. That is during the reign of Nadir Shah (1736 to 1747), who was Safavi governor of Sistan at the beginning of his career. In 1740 he freed North Khorassan from Uzbeks and Turkomans during his successful expeditions against Bokhara and Khiva (Sykes II 1963:263). After his death, however, many of those regions came again under Uzbek and Turkoman domain (Vambery II 1969:150). Consequently, the population there became once again very dependent on the Turkomans. This development may have caused a gradual migration back towards Sistan by parts of the Baluch, during which smaller groups settled in the area of today’s Khorassan, where they are still living In light of this background, it becomes clear that Turkoman influences made the pile rug weaving tradition among these Baluch not only possible but even caused it. All of this was a slow development over a long span of time because Baluch have tended to hold on to their traditions in spite of constant and sometimes aggressive foreign influences from their neighbors, who have outnumbered them by far, and who have been very conscious of their own traditions. Up to today many groups of Khorassan Baluch have preserved not only their own language and own family structure but also some other customs, for example, the form of their tents. This points to the fact that the introduction and the spread of originally unknown technique of pile rug weaving, the adoption and modification of foreign Turkoman symbolism, and the development of the Baluch’s own patterns started a long time before and not at the time of Nadir Shah, as is often assumed (Edwards 1953:185; Eiland 1976:75)..

Flat-weave Fabrics and Pile-weave Rugs

It needs to be pointed out that, contrary to widespread opinion, there is no old tradition of pile rug weaving in Baluchistan itself (Imp. Gaz. Ind. 1908). Besides that, another kind of geometrical design dominates there. Up to today embroidered patterns from Sar-had (southern Persian Baluchistan) resemble ornaments on Baluch tombs near Thatta (“Chaukandi-Tombs”), which date back to the middle of the 18th century (Zajadacz-Hastenrath 1978:3foll.). Likewise, forms and colors of embroideries from Mejran (Pakistan Baluchistan) do not reflect any distinct Turk ornaments as do similar pieces from Baluch areas from Sistan on to the north.

The Baluch of Baluchistan have, however, a long tradition in the making of pileless fabrics (IMP. Gaz. Ind. 1908; Konieczny 1979). Mainly saddle bags and storage sacks are flat-woven. For rare floor coverings, woven pieces, about 80cm wide, are sewn together lengthwise so that pieces of 160x300cm are obtained. Very often they have small white and/or red geometric patterns in horizontal rows on a mostly very dark background.

The borderline between the pile rug and the pileless rug weaving Khorassan Baluch and the only pileless rug weaving Baluchistan Baluch ran around the middle of this century through Iran, approximately from the area around Iranshar in the south of the Lut Desert, to the east through the northern part of the region of Kwash, and on across today’s Iranian-Pakistani border, through the area south of Quetta toward Kelat. It is obvious that this border, considering the mobility of the Baluch, cannot be very rigid. Due to the growing construction of roads and highways, especially in Iran in the last decades, this border might have been shifted further to the south in the same measure as modern commercial demand has created new cottage industries in areas that were inaccessible up to then.

It is more difficult to determine the borders of the east Persian/west Afghan territory of the pile rug weaving Baluch towards the other directions. To the east their number diminishes gradually towards a north-south zone, which goes roughly from Quetta in today’s Pakistan, to the Amu Darya River in northeast Afghanistan. Single clans were, however, still to be found in northwest Pakistan, India, and even in the western part of Chinese Turkestan.

In the north they reach into the Soviet Turkmen Republic (Pikulin 1959) where, according to Russian information (1933), about 10,000 Baluch were settled in kholkhoes (Benningsen 1960:1036; Gafferberg 1969). There, pile rugs are probably no longer produced in great numbers.

Only very few Baluch are to be found west of the deserts Lut and Kavir, in northwest Iran. Some products of the Shahsavan point to the possibility that also Baluch did partake in the development of this recent and rather heterogeneous formation.

Identification of Baluch Tribes

In recent years growing government authority in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and especially in Persian Khorassan has limited the freedom and mobility of the Baluch. It is, nevertheless, difficult to identify specific clans over a longer period of time. Even the name of the Nahru’i, a tribe that was mentioned several times in history (Pottinger 1816:56; Bijarani 1974:287; Tate 1977:341-354) is hardly remembered among Khorassan Baluch nowadays even though they themselves probably belonged to that tribe originally. It seems that today some tribes still like to rename themselves after their Khans, who were of singlemost importance to them. One example are the Salar-Khani. The part that returned, however, adopted the name Said-Mohammed-Khani. In 1954 they consisted of 400 people and possessed about 20,000 sheep and more than 1,000 camels. The Khodadad-Khani, who settled about 100 kilometers northwest of the latter, are supposedly a splinter group of the Salar-Khani. Edwards (1953:185) calls the Salar-Khani, also Kurkheili, a name that was no longer in use ten years later.

former Afghan pastures after the death of Nadir Shah. These peoples are partly of Iranian, partly of Turk-Mongol origin and belong to the loose confederation of the Tsharar Aimaq (Chahar Aimaq). “The Four Peoples.” Sometimes the above mentioned Timuri are also said to be one of those.

A further example are the Ghara’i Baluch. They settled down in the territory of the Ghara’i tribe about 150 years ago and called themselves after their protectors. Similarly, the name of the Djanbeghi, neighbors of the Said-Mohammed-Djanbeghi, neighbors of the Said-Mohammed-Khani, could allude to a former dependence of a subdivision of the Herzegi with the same name. The Herzegi are a sub-tribe of the Saryk Turkoman. Also, the name of the Tshu(b)dari in the area of Kashmar reminds us of the Tshaudor (Choudor) Turkoman.

These observations explains why it is with little success today to search for the Baluch tribal names that were gathered by, among others, Pottinger (1816), Bellow (1891), and Tate (1910). It also shows why among Baluch it is far more difficult to attribute certain rug patterns to a clearer definable group of pile rug weavers than it is among Turkomans. It seems more meaningful to classify the patterns according to the geographical regions in which thay are most often found.

The Ethnic Environment of the Baluch

A regional classification allows us to also include those pattern modifications that originated in the same area that are, however, obviously not made by Baluch, but were developed when their producers learned the technique of knotting carpets from the Baluch (Wegner 1964:147; ibid. 1978:288, 292). These circumstances could be studied closer in some “Djulghe”, valleys, east of Turbett-i-Heidari between 1950 and 1960. Besides a multitude of Baluch clans, some semi-nomad village communities were found here which had immigrated from the farther east lying main territory of the Timuri around 1800 (Maitland 1975:416) and lived under a “tribal” name of their own. Among those “immigrants” the Moreidari and their subdivision, the Sarbuzi, the El-Khani, and the Boruti in the Djulghe Khaf have traditional independent pattern variants. In the further north situated Djulghe Barkharz appear the Porbuzi and the Seldjuqi as original Timuri, and in the even further north Djulghe Djam, the Sangtshuli. Only the Moghulzadeh in the Djulghe Khaf and the Mokhtari maintain that they are not Baluch. The classification of the Yaqub-Khani is also unsure because they consider themselves Baluch (Edwards 1953:187), as well as Timuri. Today the Timuri are mainly to be found in west Afghanistan. Ethnologically they do not belong to the Iranian people. Their original home in the region of Bokhara makes a Turk/Mongol derivation more probable than an Arab one claimed for reason of alleged greater distinction (Maitland 1975:416). The Afghan Timuri produce pile rugs, too. Many of their tribal devices can, however, not be sufficiently identified. Apart from the Yaqub-Khani, who are also to be found in Afghanistan, the sub-tribes of the Kaudani (also Kuduani), the Shir-Khani, and the Zakani have acquired a good reputation as pile rug weavers (Janata 1975:10 and 1978:11). The Bah’luri also are one of the main foreign family units among the Baluch. They are to be found in northeast and east Khorassan, between Tayabad and Gha’in, as well as in Afghanistan. They were still camel-raising nomads around 1950. According to their tradition they are originally west Iranian Turks. Thet were resettled to Khorassan by Shah Abbas (1587-1628) because they were notorious trouble-makers. In their pile rugs they have modified elements of Baluch patterns so much that the inner relation to the typical Baluch symbolism of these motifs is missing.

Pile rugs with Baluch features, cruder though and not as plentiful, are also found among the Firuskuni and Taimani. They live today as farmers and semi nomads in rather confined areas in west Afghanistan: north and east of Herat, and south down to the region of Adreskand. The Djamshidi live here also. According to Janata (oral information, 1979), the question arises whether their sub-tribe, the Maududi, is identical with the Mush(a)wani, whose typical pile-weave rugs (Fig. 1) were mentioned in more recent publications (Eiland 1976:79). About 250 Djamshidi moved into the area of Meshhed in Persian north Khorassan only after 1885 (Janata 1978:11). Firuzkuhi are also still to be found in Iran, in the area south of Nishapur (Bellew 1973:59). Presumably they stayed behind when their tribe, which had been resettled their by Nadir Shah, returned to their former Afghan pastures after the death of Nadir Shah.

These peoples are partly of Iranian, partly of Turk-Mongol origin and belong to the loose confederation of the Tsharar Aimaq (Chahar Aimaq). “The Four Peoples.” Sometimes the above mentioned Timuri are also said to be one of those.

We do not know of any pile rugs made by the three first mentioned peoples before 1900. And there are no pieces in which natural dyes are used exclusively. This leads us to the conclusion that they learned how to knot rugs in very recent times, probably from the neighboring Baluch.

The flat-weave products of those groups seem to be of more significance than their pile-weave products. Small and big saddle-bags, old and new ones, all have the same typical patterns, that Janata (1979) and Bolland (1971:169) reported from the Afghan Djamshidi and Firuzkuhi. Such bags were still sold in the bazaars of Meshhed between 1950 and 1960. Since their patterns remotely resemble the ornaments on web-ends of Baluch carpets, dealers sold them as Baluch rugs, locating the place of production however, within a wide area around Meshhed. It can, therefore, be assumed that these fabrics were made by the already mentioned splinter groups of the Tshahar Aimaq in Khorassan. Another proof for that is the fact that none of the pieces, whose provenance was determined, were brought from Afghanistan as personal property of pilgrims and other travellers, and later sold in Meshhed. Tent bands from the Afghan Firuzkuhi remind us of the ornaments of the Pathan Ghilza’i, or even of the Turkoman Beshiri, while the patterns of the Taimani resemble sometimes those of the Mishmast, another nomad Aimaq group in west Afghanistan (Janata 1978:11 and 1979: Fig. 13).The pile rug weaving group of the so-called Arabs also needs to be mentioned, more because of geographical proximity than because of similarities of their carpets with those of the Baluch. These Arabs are almost without exception villagers, who became sedentary a long time ago, and who derive their name — maybe out of reasons of prestige — from those Arabs who Islamized their homeland in the 7th century. Their main settlements are in the area of Ferdows with Ayask, Arisk, Dohuk, Seghale, and Serayan as the most important pile rug weaving centers in 1951. Motifs, structures, and colors of those farmers’ carpets seldom resemble products made by Baluch from the same area2. Apart from a few exceptions most of the pieces are coarsely knotted, had a long pile and were very colorful. They were a favorite among the rich Arabs from the emirates of the Persian Gulf, who preferred the summer in Iran to that of an even hotter home country. The demand caused an almost assembly-line type of cottage industry , a general degradation of the product, and to a very superficial reproduction of the patterns. We see very crude Afshar designs in the central field and even more so in the borders. These pile rugs must, however, not be confused with other carpets that also have a distinct Afshar influence, that were without doubt made by Baluch in Sistan, about 500 kilometers from Ferdows. In contrast to Arab products, these Sistan Baluch rugs have central fields rich with small, carefully designed motifs and a stepped and/or incised central medallion, similar to those on runners made by southeast Iranian Afshar (Fig. 2.). The main border has an alternating latch-hook pattern, which is favored by some Baluch groups, but is originally a Turkoman pattern (Fig. 3).

As a rule the fabric structure of these rugs points to Baluch weavers. Some fabrics from very small groups, who were semi-nomadic at least until 1960, and who call themselves and are called by their neighboring Baluch, Arabzadeh, descendants of the Arabs, show how difficult it is to classify the rugs. In 1955 a group of 50 Arabzadeh could be in close neighborhood to the Moreidari and the Said-Mohammad-Khani in the eastern Djulghe Khaf. The few small pieces they had woven, however, were not distinguished from those made by the Moreidari (Fig. 4).

In order to complete the study of the ethnological environment that influenced the pile-weave products of the Baluch, the Brahu’i and the Shadlu need to be mentioned. As concerns the Brahu’i, it has been said above that the Baluch absorbed many units of them , although they belong to the Dravadian language group of south India. However, independent Brahu’i are still to be found in Sistan (Tate 1977:316, 363), Baluchistan (Imp. Gaz. Ind)1976:89, 90), in the area of Herat (Snoy 1974:181), and in the Turkmen S.S.R. (Gafferberg 1969:17-18). Pile rug weaving Baluch lived close to them in many of these regions.

We do not know of any pieces that can definitely be assigned to the Brahu’i. Maybe their name was transmorgrified to “Barawi,” a group of pile rug weavers that supposedly belong to the Sistan Baluch. Only isolated pieces of their pile rugs with typical, but rather meaningless designs were found.

The Shadlu belong to the Kurdish tribes, which were resettled by Shah Abbas to the northern Khorassan border, as protection against the Uzbeks (Sykes 1963:174). Up until today the Kurds have held on to their Caucasian influenced designs, which they had imported from north-west Persia. They weave easily identifiable long piled runners and rugs of much greater size than are produced by the neighboring Baluch. Between 1950 and 1960 the Shadlu around Budjnurd made saddlebags that cannot be distinguished, neither in the technique nor in the design, from very good Baluch products.

Pile and pileless rugs are made by female weavers as it is true also for the Turkomans, if a horizontal, collapsible wooden loom is used. Irregular formats do not disclose an unskillful weaver, but her nomadic way of life: A not yet finished piece was rolled around the warp beams of the disassembled frame when the group moved on to another pasture. The frame was then not readjusted accurately at the new location. Sheep’s wool, and more rarely camel wool is used for the pile. This wool looks dull in a new piece and gets its attractive sheen only after longer use. Since in recent time Balouch carpets have been in great demand for export, local dealers thought they could abbreviate this process and had rugs made with synthetic silk, whenever such a material was available. These products were offered in Europe as especially valuable.

The use of silk is indeed very rare. Until recently it was only used to accentuate certain colors, that were not easily obtained in wool with natural dyes, e.g. green and purple. For about 40 years metal threads have been incorporated every now and then.

Undyed or brown sheep’s wool, or sheep’s wool mixed with black goat’s hair is much used for warp and weft. The small sides of the rugs have dark web-ends with very delicately woven or embroidered ornaments in white and/or red.Some older pieces have web-ends that are woven in Kilim fashion: Stepped or undulating stripes are formed through color changes, e.g. from medium blue to red to black to medium blue. There are also rugs without web-ends from the second half of the last century. More recent pieces have 3 to 6 cm wide web-ends, which are usually devoid of ornaments.

Balouch in the Afghan province of Herat preserved the tradition of web-end ornaments longer than those in the area of Turbett-i-Heidari. In Herat, pieces with elaborate ornaments in web-ends were still rather recently produced.

The fringes are either twined or braided. Some times there are knots close to the web-ends that may have special colorful weft threads to prevent unraveling of the pile. Very often the fringes of the lower terminating end are more carefully finished than the ones at the beginning upper end.

The finish of the selvage is very characteristic: It is twined two to four times with black goat’s hair and shows sometimes a “herring-bone” pattern. rhe pile is knotted onto the warp threads applying the asymmetrical Persian or Senneh knot. The Tekke and Salor Turkomans use the same knots in their carpets (Azadi 1975:36).

This and the fact rhat the Khorassan Balouch used Tekke and Salor tribal devices leads us to assume once again that the Khorassan Balouch learned the skill of knotting rugs particularly from those Turkomans.

(Black 1976:21) and (Eiland 1976:81) examined a great number of Balouch carpets and found out that 10% of the knots were of the symmetrical Ghiordes kind. This might be partly explained by the fact that the authors did not analyze the rugs on-site. Maybe they are not original Balouch products, but were made by Timuri. It is also possible that the rugs are indeed of Balouch provenance, but that the weaver had a different ethnic origin and applied her techniques when she married into a Balouch tribe. Fine pieces have 2500-3000 knots to a square dcm, and each weft thread bears pile. Those products are as valuable as the Tekke and Salor rugs. But due to the different kind of wool they are still softer than comparable Turkoman rugs. The Salar-Khani, the Said Mohammad-Khani, the Ghara’i Beluchi, the `Ali Akbar-Khani in the Iranian region of Turbett-i-Heidari, and the Afghan Dokhtar-e-Ghazi made rugs of this quality. They very rarely reached the bazaars of Meshed and Herat, or even Europe. Products of minor quality were known there, and mistakenly taken as characteristic of Baluch work. Those rugs are loosely knotted with coarse yarn and are very soft or even flabby. They were made e.g. by Baluch groups from central Afghanistan, and by the Baizidi, in the region of Mahwalat, south of Turbett-i-Heidari.

In the last decades these weavers have also used cotton warp threads. This change is due to the opening of, so far, remote areas to modern transportation. Clever dealers have now the possibility of buying raw wool directly, and cheaper, from sheep breeding nomads, who have succumbed very easily to the temptation of “fast money”. The nomads’ economic situation has not improved though. On the contrary, some Balouch clans have given up knotting rugs altogether or have at least started to incorporate the cheap “foreign material” cotton. Since the use of it does not affect the life of the rugs, they have even used it in rugs for their own use.

Up to the middle of this century pile-weave and flat weave fabrics were mainly made for home use. The demand was never big, but at least continuous. New pile rugs were part of the customary dowry and served to prove the weaving skills of the bride. In addition rugs wore out soon in a Balouch tent, that does not offer as much protection as a Turkoman yurt, and thus they had to be replaced more often. This also explains why older or even semi-antique pieces are rarely found among the Balouch themselves.

During good years a Balouch family would weave one or two additional rugs. They were sold in the nearest city bazaars or exchanged for utensils, that they could not make themselves, for tea and sugar, as well as for red calico for dresses, and once in a while for silver coins for jewelery. Many Balouch from central and north Khorassan made those for the Persian New Year, on March 21st according to our calendar. Some of them came from far away to the bazaars of Meshed. Therefore the rugs had to be finished by the middle of March. Corresponding dates were sometimes inscribed into the rugs, e.g. 20. 12. 1319 (see Fig. 13). Also the neighboring Iranian villagers then replaced their worn out Balouch rugs with newer ones. Particularly, richer people in the villages of Djulghe Khaf used to cover the floors of their “mehman-khane”, the room where guests were welcomed, with nomad rugs. A new rug was also needed whenever one was damaged by glowing coals falling from the stove. Such rugs from the “mehman-Khane” then substituted for worn out rugs in the “endetun”, the living and women quarters, which were inaccessible to outsiders, the doctor excepted.

Thus only a very limited number of carpets reached the markets in Iran and Afghanistan that were accessible to European merchants. They were not much sought after in the cities because the urban middle class, that was able to afford rugs, preferred larger sizes. But those could not be woven on Balouch looms. The people in the cities also favored more colorful rugs, and if possible floral designs, “to bring the garden into the house”.

Up until recently there was no big foreign demand for knotted fabrics made by those nomads. Pile, pattern and colors of their rugs did not appeal to the prevailing taste of the first decades of this century. Even the much more attractive Turkoman rugs became popular rather late. This explains why in many older but also in some newer books on rugs, floral museum carpets are described in detail while Baluch rugs are ony mentioned for the sake of completeness.

Popularity for Baluch rugs was lacking for more than a hundred years. this fact contradicts the idea that the reproduction of Turkoman guls and other motifs was caused by foreign demand and respective orders by importers. foreign demand and taste have, however, strongly influenced patterns and color combination of Persian manufactured rugs since the middle of the last century. At the time when Turkoman patterns were knotted in Baluch rugs, such marketing strategies could not possibly be discussed with nomads, who have known how to preserve their independence in every respect until this century. All this is surely a reason for the fact that the Baluch used natural dyes much longer than many Turkoman weavers. There were still new Baluch rugs without any synthetic dyes until around 1950. At that time chemical wool dyes were already offered in the village bazaars, but the were still more expensive than the home-made natural dyes. In some pile rugs from those years natural and synthetic dyes were simultaneously used. Red shades and brown yellows — to imitate camel’s wool — were soon used on bigger surfaces while yellow and green tints were used only sporadically in some motifs. Some red and almost all green tones of that period were neither fadeless nor waterproof. In the last decade the quality of synthetic dyes, however, has improved and there have been a greater variety of colors, but at the same time the rugs have lost much of their charm. Unusual colors like crimson red, bright orange, malachite green and purple seem to have animated the weavers’ imagination to excessive experiments that were in contrast to tradition. The result was disharmony in the rugs.

This shows that so-called progress can lead to the destruction of good nomad traditionsThe more important traditional colors of the field are found — with exceptions — in the following geographical centers:

Dark blue to black blue (made with very concentrated indigo): Areas of Turbett-i-Heidari and Kashmir, Djulghe Khaf and the northern part of the Herat region.

Medium blue (weaker concentration of indigo): North Khorrassan. There are only very few pieces with this color. Most of them were made in the second half of the last century.

Brick red, fire red to dark red (made from madder of different ages): Regions of Nishapur and north of Meshed, Djulghe Turbett-i-Sheikh-i-Djam, Djulghe Bakharz, Mahwalat and Gha’inat.

Aubergine shades (old madder with additional dyes): Sistan and central Afghanistan (southern province of Herat), a small area southeast of Gounabad in prayer rugs without mihrabs. Camel brown (undyed camel wool): Gha’inat, Bidjestan, Mahwalat, Djulghe Khaf and eastern Kjulghe Turbett-i-Sheik-i-Djam. Very often in prayer rugs, always in the “akhundi” type.

White to cream-colored (undyed, sometimes bleached sheep’s wool): Area around Turbett-i-Heidari, but only in the last decades as substitute for camel wool, which has become rare. Camel wool has always been used mainly for men’s clothes.

Black brown (natural wool with additional dyes, e.g. walnut shells): Southern Afghanistan, e.g. province of Farah.

In many Balouch rugs the ground color in the (main) border(s) is the same as the one in the field. If the center field is, however, camel brown, red tints are usually used in the borders. Red borders can also enframe a dark blue field. A reverse color combination was not seen in older rugs.

Different shades of ground colors are frequently used for field motifs. When red tints are used the design is still discernable. But this is not the case when dark blue is used on dark brown, like in many very finely knotted saddle bags made by south Afghan Balouch. Details in motifs, like small petals, as well as outlining strips are very often white and/or yellow or yellow orange. Green was used in older carpets only sparingly. Darker tints are seen in older rugs from Sistan and Afghanistan. Up until the beginning of this century lighter blue colors were often found in rugs from central and north Khorassan. Very often motifs were set off with black bordering lines. If Ihere was not enough black brown sheep’s wool available, brown wool was dyed several times by boiling it together with steel filings. This was done over and over again, according to an exactly scheduled process of eight days. Such a treatment damages the wool. It becomes brittle and mouldy, but this fact is not considered to lessen the value of the rug. Those rugs have a relief effect (corrosion), that makes them very often especially appealing.

Recipes for the production of plant and stone dyes have repeatedly been published. But they are only valid for those interviewed: In the geographical area of my field studies recipes were jealously kept secret among the families and not revealed even within the clan.

 
Leave a comment

Posted by on September 24, 2011 in Baloch Culture

 

The culture of East African Baluchis

Abdul Kadir Noor Muhammad, Kenya

By: Abdul kadir Noor Mohamed,
Kenya, East Africa

The culture of East African Baluchis has undergone quite a metamorphosis from the 1700s to the present day. With time traditional Baluchi lifestyle gradually eroded and a more Swahili one took its place. Our ancestors interacted with the local people and assimilated to become part and parcel of the social life of the region. As the Baluchi language gave way to Kiswahili, the lingua franca of East Africa, so too did a lot of our traditional cultural norms. It must be noted however, that at no time did we ever lose our identity.

Language apart, the Baluchis here have always maintained a separate identity from the rest of the people. The use of Baluchi names and the continuous narration of our culture and Iranian history has kept the awareness of our roots still fresh in our minds, and our yearning for self- preservation still very much alive. Some families have successfully resisted the change of language and still proudly speak good Baluchi, albeit diluted in grammar and vocabulary, but fluent. We have also managed to maintain strong social cohesion amongst ourselves. For a very long time, families strictly married only from each other, perhaps in an effort to preserve the tribe. Although this provision is no longer strictly followed, it is still highly preferred.

Today the Baluchis of East Africa can be said to have inter-married with almost every other local community. Despite the observable diversity, we have remained essentially close knit. Perhaps what has remained more or less unchanged culture-wise is the way we celebrate our weddings. The ceremonies have remained the same, made even more pronounced by the bride, who can still be seen on her wedding day in full Baluchi regalia. The younger Baluchi population of Mombasa can be said to be developing an impressive impetus on self-awareness.

The Baluchi language, which was slowly fading away from the society, is gradually finding its way back with new awakened interest. The recent contacts with the Baluchis of Iran, Muscat and Quetta will perhaps help build an exchange of information, which should help us revive our culture.

Education Most of East African Baluchis are literate. Education in schools is secular with English as the medium of instruction. Mombasa Baluchi youth have attained High School education and almost all of the younger generation are advancing towards universities and colleges. One of Kenya’s top surgeons is Baluchi. The Mombasa and Nairobi communities have produced several young doctors, architects, aviation engineers, bankers, pilots, accountants and lawyers. Baluchis can also be found in respectable positions within Kenya’s tourism industry, Tanzania’s politics, the banking sector, and of course the various businesses Baluchis have done remarkably well in.

Religious education, however, is not so well developed, and in most cases it has taken a backhand to the secular one. Apart from one Quran school in Makadara run by a Baluchi mullah, there are literally no Baluchi institutions for Quranic instruction. However since the East African coast is predominantly Muslim, parents send their children to the various madrassas for Islamic lessons. There is the Baluchi Mosque that stands at the junction of Baluchi Street and Makadara Road in Mombasa, that was first built in 1865, and has since undergone two renovations, one in 1964 and another one recently in 2005.

Present day In Mombasa, Baluchis have successfully launched a community committee whose main aim is to promote social welfare, self-awareness and the propagation of culture. Mombasa now has a Baluchi Centre on Makadara Road. The Baluchi Centre’s most prominent function is the getting together of the Baluchis on various occasions and the running of the Baluchi mosque and the Mbaruk mosque, a local sunni mosque whose maintenance and welfare has been adopted by the Baluchi Community.

Presently, Mombasa Baluchis portray more as part of the modern Kenyan social life with hints of western urbanism. However the families in Mbeya and Rujewa are still admirably traditional. Despite rare inter-mingling, East African Baluchis are well aware of each other’s existence and all Baluchis, even of mixed race, hold a tremendous pride in being Baluchi. Mombasa’s Baluchi youth have moved on to establish communities as far off as in London in the UK, and Toronto in Canada.

Our hope now is to be able to establish a productive relationship with the Baluchis in Iranian Baluchistan, and help create, through medium like the internet, a cultural forum in which all Baluchis, those “back home”, and those of us in the diaspora, can engage in, to enable the Baluchi Nation of the world keep links with each other. As I said, we sailed here in armoured dhows three centuries ago to settle in this part of the world where in time we absorbed part of its culture into ourselves, and given a part of ours to the land. But despite the influence of the years and the erosion of time, we still hold dear in our hearts the richness of our heritage and the memory of our distant home in the vast mountains of Baluchistan.

Sources upon which I derived information for the article:

1. Searchlight on Baloches and Balochistan by Mir Khudda Baksh Bijrani
2. Khuda Baksh Bijrani’s book, History Versus Legend, which was translated by M. L. Dames, who is a major proponent of the theory of our origins being in thev Elborz Mountains around the Caspian Sea. This theory is supported by the Soviet anthropologist L.W Oshananen. The Caspian Sea origins was also recently propounded by Russian Orientalist Professor Yu Gankovsky.
3. Tarikh al Rasool wa al-Malook, Abu Jaffar Al Tabari, This historical chronicle is renowned for its historical detail and accuracy concerning Muslim and Middle Eastern accuracy. One version published under the editorship of M.J de Goeje in three series,comprising thirteen volumes, with two extra volumes containing indices, introduction and glossary.
4. The writings of E.Herzefield who is a major proponent of the Allepo Origins theory. He states that we inhabited Halab, northern Syria and later the Iranian Medes and that the name ‘Baluch’ comes from the Median word ‘brza-vak’ which is a Median war cry.
5. Baluch elders in Makadara.

 
Leave a comment

Posted by on June 8, 2011 in Baloch Culture

 

Balochi Oral Tradition.

By: Sabir Badalkhan

What is Oral Tradition?

The oral tradition of the Baloch belongs to an ethnic group speaking a northwest Iranian language called Balochi and inhabiting Balochistan, a country now divided among Pakistan, Iran, and Afghanistan. It was until recently—and to a great extent in many parts of the country it remains even now—a living art. It is, however, an art that is losing ground rapidly to the written word and to modern means of communication and entertainment. A few decades back oral tradition was present in a Baloch’s life from cradle to grave. It was so diffused, authoritative, and highly esteemed that among some Baloch tribes a newborn baby boy was presented with the recital of several heroic epics—either three or seven—by an old man in place of the call of prayers, azan (the proclamation of faith among Muslims saying that Allah is the only God and Muhammad is his only prophet), as is usually done in many other Muslim communities. A special session of epic recitation would be arranged and male elders of the family would be invited, animal(s) would be sacrificed, and a male elder of the family or someone else from the family or tribe would recite these epics for three to seven nights (Badalkhan 1992:38, n. 39). This was the first lesson the newborn boy would receive from the elders of his family, who expected him to behave accordingly and to follow in the footsteps of past Baloch heroes who left their legacy in historical epics with heroic deeds that safeguarded true Baloch values (balochiat). After that, the baby was sung lullabies by his mother, sisters, and maidservants until he grew old enough to be circumcised, wear trousers, enter the ranks of men, and assume all the obligations and duties that a man of the tribe had to manage. From then on, he was expected to participate in tribal warfare and other affairs of the tribe and to involve himself in cycles of revenge as necessary. Before that age he was considered a child and there was no consequence to any of his actions. A boy’s circumcision ceremony was in itself a great moment for his parents and family members, and also an event of even greater importance for his tribe in that a new man was entering their ranks and strengthening the tribal body. In such festivities, the whole tribe participated and often it was the tribal chief who sponsored the whole ceremony and covered all of the expenses. Famous minstrels would be invited by well-off families and local female singers would perform, accompanied by other women. Among poor families only the local female singer, usually the wife of the village blacksmith (Badalkhan 2000-01:163-64), would sing along with women of the village and the neighbourhood; no circumcision or wedding ceremony went without singing and music lest it be considered an ill omen for the boy and his family. Similar oral traditional performances accompanied other life-cycle activities of the Baloch. Weddings were one recurring site for such activities. In some parts of Balochistan, especially in the north until recently, mourning, mostly of men but also of women if they belonged to an important family, included sung elegies, in some places accompanied by drums if it was the funeral of a tribal chief. Although the birth of a girl was not celebrated except in those families with no child at all or in the upperclass families, a daughter’s wedding was celebrated by her family with much singing and dancing, as well as animal sacrifices. Oral tradition has been very important for the Baloch as an ethnolinguistic group. It served them as their history when there was no written history in their language. It was also the record of their cultural values, a mark of their identity, a guideline for the younger generation, and a check on their behavior and way of conduct. Oral tradition also “flavors” assemblies via taletelling, the recital of poems, and the quoting of proverbs or excerpts from past poets; in this way various speech-acts are strengthened and opinions can be authenticated. There can be no dispute about the wisdom of the past. Reciting poems or inserting proverbs in discourse also demonstrates that the speaker is well versed in the Baloch traditions, serving as a kind of presentation card certifying the speaker as a true Baloch (asli Baloch). While verse narratives (sheyr) and their composers (shair) certainly held a high place in Baloch society, other genres of verbal art did not occupy a lesser position in regard to daily life. For example, people with a talent for reciting proverbs in discussions always have a prominent place in men’s gatherings. Similarly, proverbs are equally popular among women, and in some areas women quote more proverbs than their menfolk do. Riddle competition is also highly valued since it is considered to be an important test of a person’s wittiness. When sitting or walking in a group, it is not unusual for a person to observe something, put it in riddle form, and ask others to see whether they can guess the meaning. Oral tradition has also served as a pastime during long winter nights. During this period people spent a considerable part of the night gathered at a chief’s guesthouse or visiting neighbors or the village blacksmith to listen to tales and legends or to compete with each other in posing riddles. Each village has a blacksmith, who in addition to being a craftsman also plays music and tells tales on festive occasions. Although they belonged to the lower strata of Balochi society and had no or little social position in a traditionally hierarchical organization, blacksmiths’ mastery of the verbal art always secured them a central place at public gatherings during leisure times or when someone was needed to entertain the assembly. They were in the service of the people, and people provided them with a livelihood by bestowing special gifts on festive occasions as well as at harvests.
To sum up, we can say without hesitation that Balochs have a very rich oral tradition that includes poems and songs to celebrate or commemorate many events. But although they boast one of the richest song genres in the region (see Badalkhan 1994:ch. 3), it remains the least studied so far.
The most interesting new directions in Balochi oral tradition studies The first fieldwork on Balochi oral tradition stems from the nineteenth century, when the British came in contact with Baloch tribes and felt the need to study the local language to be able to communicate. British missionaries and administrators concentrated mainly on the collection of samples of Balochi oral poetry, but some also gathered folktales and other genres such as riddles, proverbs, and so forth. The most important collection was that done by Longworth Dames, chiefly on the Dera Ghazi Khan district of southwestern Punjab. His Popular Poetry of the Baloches, published in London in two volumes in 1907 (vol. 1 is the English translation of the Balochi texts given in vol. 2) was a landmark in the study of indigenous oral tradition and a great stimulus for Baloch men of letters during the second half of the twentieth century (see Badalkhan 1992). It was the only such work that contained an introductory note dealing with the sources, origin, and character of Balochi poetry, with material on classification, forms of verse, methods of singing, the antiquity of heroic poems, and so on; the second volume contains an account of the language of Balochi poetry. But after the publication of this important collection no work of any scale was carried out until the withdrawal of the British from the Indian subcontinent and the emergence of Pakistan in the second half of the twentieth century. Balochistan, with its capital at Kalat, declared its independence and survived as a separate country until late March, 1948, when the Pakistan Army moved to Kalat and forced the ruler to sign a document of accession. In 1949 Radio Pakistan’s Karachi station began broadcasting in regional languages. The new 45-minute programs in Balochi were a development that encouraged the Baloch literate class to write in their own language and to collect material from the rich oral tradition of their people. But such collections resulted only in sporadic publications of a poem here and there in a Balochi journal; since the language was not taught in schools and had no official sponsorship, attempts to publish in Balochi were viewed with suspicion by the central government. Indeed, Balochi publications were severely limited and came under constant censorship. As a result, the oral tradition is still largely unrecorded, and Balochs themselves still consider their oral literature as having no value. I remember once talking to a native compiler of a volume on Balochi folktales who recounted once making a collection and presenting the manuscript to the chairman of the Balochi Academy. He told me that the Academy chairman, who himself was a famous writer, had shouted at him, berating him for undertaking such a useless project. “This was the last time that I made any attempt to collect folktales,” he told me in an interview in Quetta in 2000 (oral communication with Surat Khan Mari). One can say without hesitation that oral tradition is now a dying art in Balochistan. Notwithstanding the emergence of a strong nationalistic feeling among the Baloch population both in Iran and Pakistan, the existence of pahlawan (professional singers of verse narratives), and the love for suroz (a bowed instrument played as an accompaniment to narrative songs and considered to be the national instrument of the Baloch) among the educated classes, there seems to be no future for the oral tradition in Balochistan. Times are changing rapidly and it is unlikely that Balochi oral traditions, such as minstrelsy and storytelling sessions, can survive even a couple of decades from now. Worst of all is the fact that many of these forms have not been collected and preserved at all. If the bearers of this centuries-old, highly refined art die, we will have very little material in hand on which to base a description and study of the Balochi oral tradition. For example, about 30 years back when I was in elementary school the children of our village spent every moonlit night in outdoor games (every village had a playground for such purposes), while dark nights were devoted to telling tales to each other or organizing riddle competitions. Winter nights, on the other hand, were ideal for storytelling sessions and indoor games such as riddle competitions, where children were sometimes also joined by elders, both men and women. There were also additional indoor games that involved rhymes and songs. On other occasions, people of the village, including children and adults of both sexes, gathered at the house of an aged man or woman or at the house of the village ludi (professional blacksmith but also musician, singer, storyteller, handicraftsman, circumciser; see Badalkhan 2000-01:163-64). Very often, boys from farming families would collect wood for fuel while those from wealthier families would bring sugar, tea, and the like for the storyteller and her/his audience. These homes would function as storytelling institutions where long winter nights became “short” and tales remained “long,” as one of the formulae in Balochi storytelling puts it (Badalkhan 2000-01:171). Frequently, someone from among the audience would also come up and tell tales. Very rare was the night with no storytelling or indoor games. Other factors were operative as well. Since the people of the village were in the majority of cases related to each other by blood, there was no concept of refusing the favor of telling tales to each other. The case was the same with the ludi, who was economically dependent on the village community and so had a professional duty to entertain the village people with his tales whenever they gathered at his place or called him to some other place. The Muslim fasting month of Ramazan was another occasion for such regular sessions; people kept the fast for 30 days from sunrise to sunset, with many nights spent awake from dinner up to the last meal at around 5 a.m. These were occasions when people were kept busy by storytellers, either professionals or amateurs, and the repertoires of these storytellers were so rich that they never came to an end. In the past, itinerant minstrels would also visit regularly after every harvest or during religious festivals; they were frequently invited for wedding and circumcision ceremonies or upon the birth of sons of important families. During their seasonal tours these minstrels would visit all of the villages on their route. One was followed by another, and this sequence would continue for weeks, keeping the people’s interest fresh and their attachment to the tradition alive. But now, alas, people of all ages and of both sexes are stuck to television sets, sometimes spending every bit of their free time there. There are numerous satellite television networks, and local distributors have made them accessible even to families with minimum earnings. Since television is a new phenomenon, people are lost in it and have abandoned interest in all other types of traditional entertainments and engagements. And since these networks mostly telecast their programs in Hindi, which when spoken is very similar to Urdu, people have no difficulty
in understanding them. Indeed, even when people do not understand the language, they enjoy these performances and are entertained. Balochi verbal art and musical traditions have also suffered a severe setback from the constantly rising tide of Islamic fundamentalism in the region. This influence started soon after the Communist coup in Afghanistan in April 1978, followed by the holy war of the West against the Soviets in Afghanistan using the card of Islam; all reactionary Arab regimes joined the West in this war. As a result, Islamic fundamentalism has made gains throughout the area and Balochistan has been no exception. In many places where Islamic fundamentalist parties have established roots, singing and playing music have been prohibited and replaced by religious sermons.
Even clapping hands has been declared un-Islamic and replaced by chanting “Allah o Akbar” (“Allah is Great”), following the model of the Taliban in Afghanistan. Balochi oral tradition needs the urgent attention of folklore scholars. We must collect as much material as possible because time is running out very fast. The most urgent necessity is to interview living minstrels and record their repertoires, for all of them have reached an advanced age and no new minstrels have emerged for decades. The simple reason is that the social, cultural, and economic situation in Balochistan has undergone drastic change, and under the new circumstances this centuries-old art has not found any place. People in modern times lack both the interest and the time to listen to and appreciate these long narrative songs, which sometimes require many nights to be sung fully. Other types of verbal art also need the attention of folklore scholars. Balochi is very rich in folktales, riddles, simple proverbs and anecdotal proverbs, songs related to the life cycle (the birth of a child, e.g.), lullabies, cradle songs, praise songs to babies, circumcision and wedding songs, elegies, play songs, work songs, songs of nostalgia and longing, and so on. All this needs our immediate attention lest we lose this rich material forever.

References

Badalkhan 1992 Sabir Badalkhan. “A Glance at Balochi Oral Poetry.” Newsletter of Balochistan Studies, 8:3-45.
Badalkhan 1994 . “Poesia Epica e Tradizioni Orali Balochi: I Menestrelli Pahlawan del Makran.” Ph.D. diss., Institute of Oriental Studies, University of Naples.
Badalkhan 1999 . “A Brief Note on Balochi Folktale and Folktale Studies.” In The Studies of the Ethno-Religious Images in Jhalawan and Las Bela Provinces [sic] in Balochistan. Ed. by K. Maeda. Tokyo: Wako University. pp. 83-88.
Badalkhan 2000-01 . “An Introduction to the Performance of Verbal Art in Balochistan.” Annali dell’IUO, 60-61:161-96.
Baluch 1977-84 M. S. K. Baluch. A Literary History of the Baluchis. 2 vols. Quetta: Baluchi Academy.
Dames 1907 L. M. Dames. Popular Poetry of the Baloches. 2 vols. London: Folk-Lore Society and Royal Asiatic Society.
H. Mari 1987 Hayat Mari. Garen gohar [Lost Pearls]. Quetta: Baluchi Academy (in Balochi).
S. M. Mari 1970 Sher Mahmad Mari. Baluchi Kahnen Shahiri [Balochi Old Poetry]. Quetta: Baluchi Academy (in Balochi).
Shad 2000 Faqir Shad. Mirath [Patrimony]. Karachi: n.p. (in
Balochi)

 
Leave a comment

Posted by on June 4, 2011 in Baloch Culture

 

Modern Balochi Dress Design in Foreign Countries

This slideshow requires JavaScript.

 
Leave a comment

Posted by on May 29, 2011 in Baloch Culture

 

Balochi Dress Design

This slideshow requires JavaScript.

 
Leave a comment

Posted by on May 12, 2011 in Baloch Culture

 

Baluch Carpets, Rugs, and Other Products

Baluch Carpets, Rugs, and Other Products

By: S. Azadi

A distinct group of carpets, woven by Baluch tribes in the northeastern Iranian province of Khorasan and the Sīstān area, is known as Baluch carpets (Edwards, p. 185). These carpets were not, as is frequently erroneously assumed, made in Makrān, where the main body of the Baluch tribes live (Wegner, 1980, pp. 57, 59).

In addition to the Baluch, many other ethnic groups in Khorasan weave carpets that look like the Baluch carpets and are designated as such. The tribes that make such carpets in the same region are the Tīmūrī, the Kurd, the Arab, the Brahui, the Jamšīdī, and the Barbarī (Azadi and Besim, pp. 15, 16). The main characteristics of carpets in the Baluch tradition are the following:

Colors. The use of dark colors like dark blue or blue-black, dark brownish red, dark reddish brown, dark brown verging on black (mainly for outlines), dark purplish brown, dark brownish violet, and occasionally some ivory is characteristic. Because of the almost black outlines the dark colors appear even darker. These carpets thus possess a somber charm that appeals to many connoisseurs and collectors.

Camel hair is sometimes woven into the niches (meḥrāb) of Baluch prayer carpets. These rugs are less somber, even occasionally light in ground color. The idea that this material is actually wool dyed with walnut husks (Edwards, p. l86) is incorrect; it is undyed camel hair.

Occasionally a few old carpets are found with ivory fields; most of them come from the Qāʾenāt and Sīstān areas. They sometimes seem more colorful than the normal Baluch carpets.

Ornament. Because of the prevalence of ornaments like rectangles, hexagons, and octagons, Baluch carpets belong to the geometric category of nomad carpets. Repeated or alternating lozenges and medallions, in regular or offset rows, play an extremely important role in the design of these carpets. Frequently the rows create a honeycomb pattern, so that the ground color of the field is no longer distinguishable. Indeed, this feature is characteristic of Baluch carpets. Plant motifs also occur in the Baluch repertoire of forms, but they have been rendered angular and geometric.

The nomenclature and meaning of Baluch motifs are not very well known. Statements in the carpet literature that the craftsmen did not understand what they were weaving are incorrect. Such statements are a sign of retreat before the extraordinarily difficult problems of research in this area. Such complex questions cannot be understood or explained through quick investigations. Rather, they require years of arduous study in the field, which have not yet taken place.

Technique. Baluch carpets are all knotted with the asymmetrical knot, that is, the so-called “Persian or Senna knot,” open to the left. In traditional pieces the warp (tār) always consists of two-ply wool, Z-spun and S-twisted (čap-o-rāst rīsīda), and is light in color. In newer pieces the warp can also be of cotton. The weft (pūd) of Baluch carpets consists of two sinuous brown or dark brown shoots, contrary to C. A. Edwards’ opinion that all Baluch carpets are single-wefted (p. 186). On rare occasions the first weft is drawn taut, thus creating a difference in levels, as for example in the Kurd Baluch. The weft is usually two-ply, Z-spun, and loosely twisted. Frequently, however, the weft can be a single strand.

The pile is also two-ply, Z-spun and loosely twisted. Many Baluch carpets, for example, the Sālār-ḵānī from the area of Torbat-e Ḥaydarī, include some silk in the pile of wedding and dowry carpets. This material is extremely expensive for the Baluch and represents the ultimate in luxury. They must buy or barter for the silk because they do not themselves manufacture it.

Selvedges. One of the most notable characteristics of Baluch carpets is the way in which their selvedges are handled. These can be up to 2 cm wide; the material is dark brown or black goat hair. In rare instances the selvedges may be worked in a form of braiding with supplementary wefts. Usually, however, they are produced by passing the supplementary wefts over and under groups of four or more warps two, three, or four times, thus creating respectively double-, triple-, or quadruple-corded selvedges.

Uses. The Baluch, like many other nomads, manufacture a number of objects in pile or flat-woven technique, which serve different functions. Such products include double saddlebags (ḵorjīn, asb-jol; cushion covers (bāleš); saddle covers (rūzīnī); horse blankets (rū-asbī); ground covers on which meals are served (sofra); weavings for catching flour as it comes from the mill (sofra-ye ārd); bags for special purposes (dārāk); donkey chest bands (gūr-band); blinders for donkeys, horses, and camels (čašm-bandān); etc.

Although we have general knowledge of the characteristics mentioned, it is nevertheless extremely difficult to attribute carpets to specific makers (tribes, subtribes, clans, etc.) and regions (Khorasan and Sīstān, Saraḵs, Torbat-e Ḥaydarī, etc.). The main reason is that there are almost no detailed publications on Baluch carpets, in contrast, for example, to Turkman carpets, on which there are many Russian field studies. Besides, it is still not known even which tribes and subtribes produce carpets at all. The single published monograph (Azadi and Besim, pp. 28-29) includes only the second attempt (the first being Edwards, p. 185) to provide a list of tribes that manufacture knotted-pile carpets. These tribes are as follows: ʿAlī Akbar-ḵānī from the Qāʾenāt region; ʿAbd-al-Sorḵ from the area around Saraḵs, Nīšāpūr, and Sabzavār; ʿAlī Mīrzāʾī, from the Saraḵs area; Bahlūlī (or Bahlūrī) from the vicinity of Ḵᵛāf, Jangal, and Torbat-e Ḥaydarī; the Bāyazīdī from around Maḥvalāt and Torbat-e Ḥaydarī; the Jān-Begī from the area of Rošḵᵛar and Torbat-e Ḥaydarī; the Jān-Mīrzāʾī from the Torbat-e Ḥaydarī district; the Fatḥ-Allāhī (Fatollāhī) from the northern Zābol area; the Ḥasanzāʾī found dispersed throughout the entire region; the Qarāʾī, who belong with the Sālaṟ-ḵānī, from Torbat-e Ḥaydarī; the Ḵānzāʾī from the Saraḵs area; the Kolāh-derāzī from the neighborhood of Kāšmar and Torbat-e Ḥaydarī; the Kūrḵa-īlī or Sālār-ḵānī in the area of Jangal and Torbat-e Ḥaydarī; the Kurd from around Saraḵs; the Lāḵī from the area of Saraḵs and Qāʾenāt; the Madad-ḵānī from the region of Zābol and Qāʾenāt; the Narīmānī from the area of Torbat-e Jām and Mašhad; the Raḥīm-ḵānī from the Saraḵs and Torbat-e Ḥaydarī area; the Sarbandī from Sīstān; the Šāhzāʾī from around Torbat-e Jām; the Tūḵī subtribes Jamālzāʾī and Sūrānī from the area south of Nehbandān and the Sīstān region; the Vāḵerī in the neighborhood of Seydābād in the Mašhad district.

Bibliography :

S. Azadi, Persian Carpets I: Inauguration of the Carpet Museum in Teheran/Iran, Hamburg and Tehran, 1977. Idem, “Einige Teppiche in Belutschtradition,” Weltkunst 48/8, 1978. Idem and A. Besim, Carpets in the Baluch Tradition, Munich, 1986. R. Barberie, Geknüpfte und gewebte Arbeiten der Belutsch-Nomaden, Vienna, 1982. P. Bausback, Alte Knupfarbeiten der Belutschen, Mannheim, 1980. I. Bennett, “Three Baluch Rugs,” Halı 1/4, 1978, pp. 399-400. D. Black, Rugs of the Wandering Baluchi, London, 1976. J. W. Boucher, “Baluchi Weaving of the 19th Century,” Halı 1/3, 1978, pp. 284-87. M. Craycraft, Belouch Prayer Rugs, Point Reyes Station, Calif., 1982. M. L. Dames, The Baloche Race, London, 1904. A. C. Edwards, The Persian Carpet, London, 1953, 1960, 1975. J. Elfenbein, “Balūčistān,” in EI2 I. M. E. Enay and Azadi, Einhundert Jahre Orientteppich-Literatur, Hanover, 1977. W. Geiger, Ethymologie des Baluči, in Abh. Königlich. Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, l. Kl., 19, Munich, 1899. S. A. Hilhofer, Die Teppiche Zentralasiens, Hanover, 1968. W. Ivanov, “Notes on the Ethnology of Khurassan,” The Geographical Journal 67/1, 1926, p. 143. A. Janata, “Die Bevölkerung von Ghor,” Archiv für Völkerkunde 17-18, 1962-63, pp. 73-156. Idem, “Völkerkundliche Forschungen in West-Afghanistan 1969,” Bustan 2-3, 1970, pp. 50-65. Idem, “Flachgewebe aus West-Afghanistan,” Heimtex 3, 1979, pp. 72-92. H. M. Jones and J. W. Boucher, Baluchi Rugs, Washington, D.C., 1974. M. G. Konieczny, Textiles of Baluchistan, London, 1979. P. W. Meister and S. Azadi, Persische Teppiche, Hamburg and Frankfurt am Main, 1971. Pakistan-American Cultural Centre, ed., Folk Craft of Baluchistan and Sind, Karachi, 1968. D. Schletzer, Alte und antike Teppiche der Belutsch und Ersari, Hamburg, 1974. W. Stanzer, “Balutsch-Teppiche Werden Salonfähig,” Afghanistan Journal 9/4, 1982, p. 146. B. and D. H. G. Wegner, “Stickereien in Afghanistan,” Textilhandwerk in Afghanistan [Bibliotheca Afghanica 3], Liestal, 1983, pp. 133-57. D. H. G. Wegner, “Nomaden- und Bauernteppiche in Afghanistan,” Baessler Archiv, N.S. 12, 1964, pp. 141-77. Idem, “Some Notes on the Rugs of Baluchi Nomads and Related Weavers,” Halı, 1/3, 1978, pp. 287-93. Idem, “Der Knüpfteppich bei Belutschen und ihren Nachbarn,” Tribus 29, 1980, pp. 57-105. J. Zick-Nissen, Nomadenkunst aus Belutchistan, Berlin, 1968.

 
1 Comment

Posted by on April 6, 2011 in Baloch Culture

 

Clothing of the Baluch in Pakistan and Afghanistan

This slideshow requires JavaScript.

By: Pamela Hunte

In contrast to the stark landscape of much of Paki­stan and Afghanistan (q.v.), the clothing of the Baluch is distinguished by colorful embroidery patterns that serve as ethnic markers, helping to differentiate Baluch from Pashtuns (Pathans), Punjabis, Sindhis, and other ethnic groups in these highly pluralistic areas The garb of the Brahui (q.v.), another ethnic group of central Baluchistan, is almost indistin­guishable from that of the Baluch, their close neigh­bors. Although linguistically quite distinct—Brahui is a Dravidian language and Baluchi (see baluchistan iii. baluchi language and literature) Iranian—in recent years the two groups have joined politically, economically, and in other ways, in order to compete more successfully with the numerically dominant Pashtuns of northern Pakistani Baluchistan and southern Afghanistan.

Baluch apparel, which is loose-fitting and made of many meters of lightweight material, is well suited to the harsh and dusty desert and mountain environments that the Baluch inhabit. The emphasis here is primarily on the garb of the Pakistani Baluch, who live in the province of Baluchistan (now officially Balochistan) in western Pakistan, and, to a lesser extent, of the Afghan Baluch, who are found in the extreme south­western section of Afghanistan. Among the major tribal groupings in Pakistan are the Rend, Raḵšānī, Marri-Bugti (Marī-Bogṭī), Mangal (Mengal), Lashari (Lāšārī), and Ghitchki (Gīčkī); in Afghanistan such groups as Madatkhan (Madadḵān), Mashkel (Maškēl), Shorawak (Šōrāwak), Adraskhan (Adrasḵān), and Mushwari (Mūšwārī) are found. All these tribes have a nomadic history, and today a large proportion persist in a transhumant life-style; the majority of the Baluch are, however, agriculturalists or town dwellers.

There is some variation in apparel among tribes, especially in specific embroidery designs and in the terminology applied to garments and embroidery patterns. Geographic nuances are also apparent: The northern tribes in both Pakistan and Afghanistan wear heavier clothing as protection in the colder climate. Despite these differences, however, there is a basic style of clothing that can be identified as that of present-day Baluch (Figure 67). Only a few decades ago the shirts or dresses (pašk) were considerably fuller and reached to the ankles; the loose trousers, or pajamas (pādak), were also longer; and men’s hair was not cut (Janmahmad, p. 53). This version can still be seen in Afghanistan and in isolated rural regions of Pakistani Baluchistan, especially among the Marri-Bugti; nevertheless, owing to increasing contact with urban centers and subsequent sedentarization, these traditional styles are undergoing change. At the same time, however, both political and economic competi­tion among various ethnic groups in the region is growing more intense, and identification with one’s tribal group can be most clearly expressed through traditional dress.

Embroidery designs and techniques. Most charac­teristic of Baluch costume is embroidery of a beauty and intricacy that contrast strongly with the simplicity of the remainder of Baluch material culture (Konieczny, p. 11). The designs, of which there are many, are composed primarily of geometric shapes suggestive of flowers and leaves arranged in symmetrical patterns. Women’s dresses and men’s hats provide the best examples of such careful handwork; the colors of both textiles and embroideries are vibrant, with shocking pink and parrot green among the most popular for both female and male. Certain specific embroidery patterns are very common in Pakistan: hapt-rang (seven colors; Figure 68a), kōṭrō (bungalow; Figure 68b), mīṛčūk (pepper; Figure 68c), and ḵām-kār/zūrattō (raw work; Figure 68d). Use of a single pattern is most common, though sometimes more than one are combined on a single garment. One of the most popular embroidery compositions is the “frame design” (Azadi and Besim, p. 63), in which medallions, or flowers (pūll), of complex shape—some complete (ṭīk) and others trun­cated (kapp)—fill an assigned rectangular space of field and borders (Figure 68a, d-e). Similar frame designs are also quite common on Baluch flat-weave and pile rugs (see baluchistan v. baluch carpets), as well as on classic Turkman rugs from farther north in Afghanistan.

In some pieces of embroidery only cotton thread in a multitude of colors is used, whereas in others small circular mirrors (šīša) are also incorporated into the designs (Figure 68a, f). Among the Baluch such work is part of an ancient tradition, in which small pieces of mica were used before thin mirror glass became avail­able. Intricate mirror work is also common in neighboring Sind province in Pakistan and the adjacent region of Rajasthan. The designs of the Marri­-Bugti tribes (Figure 68e), an isolated population in the eastern portion of the province (Yacopino, p. 32), are generally considered the most detailed of Baluch embroidery designs. The Afghan Baluch use bolder and heavier patterns than those of Pakistan (Figure 68f), reflecting in both colors and stitches the influ­ence of their more numerous and powerful Pashtun neighbors; indeed, Baluch garb is often influenced by that of neighboring groups, especially in the south, where designs from nearby Sind are incorporated (Janmahmad, p. 54).

Most Baluch women know how to embroider, but some are more skilled than others or take more interest in such work. They do not use charts or diagrams but instead create extremely complex designs from memory, often with assistance and suggestions from family members or neighbors. Many women set aside a few hours after completing their daily household tasks for embroidery work in the afternoons, either alone or in groups. Straight needles and commercial thread produced in Pakistan are most commonly used, though hooked needles are required for some patterns. The ground cloth may be of a solid color or a print; some of the cloth is produced in Pakistan, but some is imported from Japan and other countries. Once the embroidery is finished, the garment is assembled by a local tailor or by the woman herself if she is fortunate enough to own a sewing machine. Making clothing fulfills important family needs, but it also provides much enjoyment and recreation for women, who take great pride in their handiwork and consider it the essence of being Baluch. Most women labor for years embroidering fine works of art for their daughters’ dowries (j[ah]āz, dāj). Little girls begin to learn basic stitches and patterns at about the age of six or seven years. Extremely skilled embroiderers, or those who are quite poor, may also sell their work to other community members. The prices for their work vary considerably (e.g., $1-$75), depending on the difficulty of the pattern and other factors. Money earned from such transactions usually remains part of a woman’s own budget and is used for household expenses or for her children (Hunte and Sultana).

Women’s clothing. An outfit covered with detailed embroidery is everyday attire for the Baluch woman (Figure 67). She usually possesses at least two sets of matching dress and pajamas, which are worn until they are threadbare. The back of the Afghan Baluch dress often consists of a large square of cheap unembroidered cotton, which can be replaced when worn out without sacrificing the embroidery on the front of the dress. The woman may make a special costume for weddings, which, with the passage of time, becomes her everyday work dress. The embroi­dered pieces of the dress usually include a fully embroidered bodice (jīg/jēg) containing a central pat­terned strip (tōī), embroidered sleeves (bānzārī), and a large pocket (las, paddō/pandōl), stitched to the skirt of the dress, extending from waist to hem in front. This pocket is the major ethnic marker of Baluch female garb, a handy receptacle for the nomadic woman and more recently for the sedentary town dweller as well. It usually holds embroidery thread, small change, snuff (nāswār), medicines, and the like. The skirt is gathered at the waist on each side.

In accordance with the basic tenets of Islam, women must keep their heads covered; a Baluch woman wears a large scarf (čādar, sarēg), usually of light flower-printed cotton. Probably as a result of their nomadic history, strict veiling (parda) is not as common among the Baluch as among the Pashtuns, but most Baluch women do draw the corners of their scarves across their faces when unknown adult males are near. Most Baluch women today wear bright plastic sandals im­ported from Persia and sold at any town or city bāzār in Pakistan. Only a few decades ago, however, females wore the same shoes of heavy leather and old car tires or, in the hotter southern areas, of date-palm leaves that men wear (see below).

The Baluch woman’s everyday garb is completed by jewelry, which serves as an indicator of economic standing. Most characteristic and most impressive are earrings, which typically consist of thirteen or fourteen small rings inserted along the rim of each ear from the top of the ear to the bottom of the lobe (kārī). The weight of these rings causes the upper flap of the ear to fall forward, which is considered a sign of beauty. The earrings are most often of silver, though base metal and gold are also used; they are produced by Baluch silversmiths (zargar). A female baby’s ears are usu­ally pierced for such a series of small earrings shortly after birth. After marriage a woman may add huge earrings made of thick pieces of gold (tong), which are gifts from her husband. In addition, nose rings (būl) and nose pins (pūllī “flowers”) are very popular, as are heavy necklaces (tawk) and bracelets (dastē kangar). These pieces are usually made of metal, which is commonly believed to be a “strong” substance, help­ful in counteracting evil spirits (jenn). In addition, all females braid their long hair and tie the bottom of each braid with a single multicolored tassel (sāgī) made of hundreds of small glass beads and yarn pompons.

Men’s clothing. Although less colorful than women’s attire, men’s clothing is also characterized by special features that immediately identify the wearer as Baluch. Most important is the cap (tōpī), which has a charac­teristic blocked shape with a scalloped cutout in the front for ventilation (Figure 67). Women embroider these caps for their husbands and sons, using bright pink, orange, or red thread and gold or silver filament; in addition, a number of small, glittering pieces of mirror are incorporated into the intricate designs. Boys and young men wear only these caps, whereas older men add huge white turbans (pāg), each of light cotton cloth many meters long. The specific method of wrapping these turbans further serves to distinguish one tribe from another.

In addition to the loose shirt and pajamas men wear a tight-fitting vest (giḍḍī, jēkaṭ) embroidered on the edges of the front and pockets, usually in the ḵām-kār/zūrattō pattern (Figure 68d). The work is normally done by hand, though the dark-blue, brown, or black Marri-Bugti vest is machine-embroidered all over in floral and vine patterns. Historically only a white shirt and pajamas were worn, but today these garments are indistinguishable in color and cut from those worn by the Pashtuns, usually of such muted solid colors as beige, white, or gray, with which the colorful embroi­dered vest makes a striking contrast. Young men may wear bright blue or green garments, however.

Perhaps the best-known type of Baluch footwear is the heavy sandals (čabbaw) produced by men in hun­dreds of small shops throughout Baluchistan; the tops are of heavy leather and the soles cut from old automo­bile tires, which are excellent for walking on rough desert or mountain terrain and are comfortable in town as well. There are a score of different arrangements of straps and braids associated with various regions. In the hot south traditional footwear made from palm fronds is still to be seen, though it is no longer com­mon.

Children’s clothing. From birth to the age of six months infants are tightly swaddled in large pieces of cloth (bandūmī/bandōk) tied with colorful woven rope (čeṭṭ) that women make by hand. Attached to the end of the rope and serving as a fastener is a huge stuffed triangle colorfully embroidered in the ḵām-kār (Fig­ure 68d) or another pattern. Swaddling is said to prevent the infant from crying and also to keep him or her warm. The infant’s head is covered with a multi­colored bonnet edged with brilliant embroidery. Tod­dlers of both sexes are allowed to wander near home wearing frocks without pajamas. According to legend, boys cannot be killed in tribal feuding before they have begun to wear trousers, which is usually at the age of three or four years (Baluch, 1977).

The clothing of older children is simply a miniature version of adult garb. For example, as soon as a little girl is six months old she is fitted with a small frock covered with heavy embroidery and with a large front pocket. Small boys wear heavy sandals in styles similar to those of their fathers. Amulets (taʿwīḏ) are commonly worn by all infants and children, who are thus protected from evil spirits; the amulets may be small leather packets holding extracts from the Koran and strings of turquoise beads, fish bones, and the like worn round the neck.

Bibliography :

S. Azadi and A. Besim, Teppiche in der Belutsch-Tradition/Carpets in the Baluch Tra­dition, Munich, 1986. M. S. K. Baluch, A Literary History of the Baluchis, Quetta, 1977. P. Hunte and F. Sultana, Women’s Income Generating Activities in Rural Baluchistan, Quetta, 1984. A. Jamāldīnī, “Baločī doč”/“Balochi Embroidery,” in J. Elfenbein, An Anthology of Classical and Modern Balochi Lit­erature I. Anthology, Wiesbaden, 1990, pp. 410-19. Jānmahmad, The Baloch Cultural Heritage, Karachi, 1982. M. G. Konieczny, Textiles of Baluchistan, London, 1979. F. Yacopino, Threadlines Pakistan, Islamabad, 1977.

 
Leave a comment

Posted by on April 6, 2011 in Baloch Culture

 

Baluch clothing and embroidery today

By: Mehremonīr Jahānbānī

Today the Baluch, while maintaining their tradi¬tional styles of clothing, work with an expanded palette of colorfully patterned commercial fabrics and threads. Local demand is increasingly satisfied by machine embroideries produced by men, who have introduced intricate stitches and new motifs. The increasing demand among urban and foreign connois¬seurs for hand embroideries, which take months to produce, has led women to specialize in this work for the marketplace Traditional men’s costume. The traditional costume worn by Baluch men is usually of white, cream, khaki, or light-gray cotton. The trousers are extremely wide, hanging in folds between the legs (plate cxlv). They are drawn in to a waistband and are tapered at the ankles. A loose shirt reaches to the knees or even lower and is worn over trousers. The older style has a round neckline with a buttoned opening on one shoulder. The more modern neckline has a collar and a buttoned opening down the front to the waist. Until the 1920s men in colder regions used to wear fully embroidered jackets over this basic costume. The material, woven by the men themselves, was of lamb’s wool or goat hair and was at most 40 cm wide. The women sewed these pieces into jackets, which they then embroidered with traditional motifs and colors. The headgear of men consists of a piece of cloth wrapped as a turban, which is gradually becoming less popular.
Traditional women’s dress. The women wear a straight, loose robe of cotton or light wool, extending to mid-calf. The simple round neckline is slit to the breastbone in front. Sleeves are long and loose and slightly tapered at the wrist. This robe is worn over loose-fitting trousers of a different color; the trousers are gathered at the waist with a drawstring and tapered at the ankles (plate cxlvi).
The most striking feature of the women’s costume is the hand embroidery covering the front of the dress and the cuffs of the sleeves and trousers. These embroidered pieces are prepared separately and later sewn onto the dresses. The piece for the front of the bodice (zī) is square and extends across the entire front from shoulders to waist. Another rectangular piece (koptān) extends from the waist to the hem of the dress and comes to a point at the top; the sides of this piece are left unstitched for approximately 30 cm, so that it can function as a large pocket. Two trapezoidal pieces 25 cm wide and 45 cm long are stitched onto the sleeves as cuffs, and two similar but slightly smaller pieces decorate the trouser hems.
A century ago silk thread was used for this fine needlework; the women raised the silkworms them¬selves; made the thread locally, then dyed it with vegetable dyes. Within the past century, however, cotton thread has been imported for this purpose, at first mostly from neighboring provinces of India and subsequently from Pakistan. The traditional colors used in the needlework were limited to six, the most important of which were two shades of red (a dark crimson and a lighter vermilion or orange); black and white were used to a lesser degree, with a few specks of green and blue. The material for these embroidered pieces was of a simple weave with clearly visible warp and weft threads, usually in a dark color.
The traditional embroidery technique remains the same. Initially the outline of each motif is sewn onto the back side of the material, a process called sīahkār. The outlines are then filled in with the various colors, each of which has its specific place in the design. The whole piece is worked from the back side, an arduous and lengthy process. When it is completed, the embroidery completely covers the base material (plate cxlvii).
There are approximately fifty to seventy motifs in Baluch embroidery (čakan-e balūčī), each with its own name, though the names may differ slightly in differ¬ent regions and simpler versions are identified by the names of the localities where they are made. In Persia this type of embroidery is practiced only by Baluch women and is still very much alive among the settled populations in Persian Baluchistan, especially in the villages of the central region and in the Āhorrān mountains. Within the last thirty years innovative techniques and about 390 new colors have been intro¬duced.
Until recently women’s headgear consisted simply of a rectangular piece of thin material (sarūk), em¬broidered on the edges with a simple pattern, which fell to a point just above the knees in back. Since the Revolution of 1358 Š./1979 women have been forced by the government to wear the čādor (q.v.), which covers their beautiful embroidered clothing entirely. Although economic conditions in Baluchistan are harsh, jewelry is accumulated by a woman and her family as a form of displayable wealth. Most pieces are crudely fashioned of silver, though gold is worn by those who can afford it. They are usually decorated with semiprecious stones, glass, or even plastic imita¬tions. The jewelry, which resembles that of the Turkmen and the women of Pakistan, includes headbands, chokers, necklaces, bracelets, earrings of various types, and nose ornaments.
[The author of this article first became interested in the textile arts of Baluchistan in 1960, and subse¬quently, in the course of numerous trips to that province, she acquainted herself with the traditional embroidery of Baluch women. She became a cham¬pion of this art, striving to make it better known outside Baluchistan. She also perceived areas in which the embroideries could be made more appeal¬ing, in terms of the variety of colors, designs, and materials. With her assistance, many Baluch women were able to find new outlets for their work in Tehran and abroad.]

 
3 Comments

Posted by on April 6, 2011 in Baloch Culture

 

Clothing of the Baluch in Persia

Traditional Baluch embroidered dress

By: Iran Ala Firouz

The area traditionally known as Baluchistan (q.v.) comprises the large southeastern portion of the Persian plateau and portions of southwestern Afghanistan and western Pakistan. The Persian province of Baluchistan is inhabited mainly by nomads and a settled rural population. This region is particularly noted for a distinctive type of richly embroidered women’s cos¬tume, which is still commonly worn in the villages. The embroidery, traditionally produced in cottage in¬dustries, is even now, despite inevitable changes, particularly in the color combinations of the needle¬work, one of the popular handicrafts for which an active market exists.
The basic garments are variations of the traditional and tribal costume characteristic of Persia as a whole: a long, loose robe with a round neckline, a slit down the center of the bodice, and long, wide sleeves tapering toward the wrists (plate cxliii), worn over a chemise and wide trousers narrowing at the ankles and with a drawstring at the waist. The fabric used today is synthetic. The material maybe plain or printed with an all-over design. Either black or solid bright colors, predominantly red, plum, and orange, provide fitting backgrounds to set off the very fine and colorful embroidery. As the available fabric comes in narrow widths, numerous seams cunningly fitted together are necessary for the wide chemise. Occasionally, the dress is made up of wide satin pieces in a variety of colors patched together in orderly stripes. The costume is completed with a long, rectangular headscarf of transparent fabric, usually black, colorfully embroi¬dered all around.
Baluch embroidery is worked on a base fabric of loosely woven cotton in panels, which facilitates de¬tailed needlework. The embroidered panels are sewn onto the dress, covering the wide, square bodice entirely (zī; plate cxliv); the long rectangular panel down the center front of the skirt (jīb) comes to a point at the top, where it touches the bodice. The cuffs of the trousers and sleeves in particular are also provided with wide bands of embroidery. Nowadays, however, the trouser cuffs are generally embroidered with a simple machine-made motif. The vertical seams of the robes can be ornamented with either narrow bands of machine-made motifs or gilt edging, and an unusual feature is a square patch of embroidery appliquéd on the back of the shoulders. The borders of the neckline, cuffs, and bodice closing are neatly finished in a distinctive fashion. In some areas of Baluchistan mirror work is also incorporated into the embroidery, anchored by buttonhole stitching; alternatively sequins are scattered over the embroidery, a type of ornamentation favored in Pakistani Baluchistan (see xix, below).
Embroidery is worked in strictly compartmentalized repeat geometric and angular designs; stylistic differ¬ences in the patterns and colors reflect different geographical areas within the province. The motifs may be stylized versions of flowers and plant forms.
The colorful and opulent ornamentation of Baluch dress may be a response to the harsh environment. Traditionally embroidery was worked in lustrous mercerized cotton thread, in a rich range of orange, red, and plum shades, crisply set off with touches of dark green, maroon, royal blue, and black and flecks of white; now it has generally been replaced by nylon thread. The embroidery itself is very fine, intricate and detailed. The stitches consist of large double back stitches (ṣarrāfī-dūzī), double braid stitches forming ridges, eyelet-hole stitches, running stitches, button¬hole stitches, ladder stitches, satin stitches sometimes forming a chevron design (ẓarīf-dūzī), fine interlacing stitches (perīvār-dūzī), and small blocks of satin stitches forming geometric shapes (balūčī-dūzī).
It is relevant to add a word about the traditional jewelry invariably worn by Baluch women with their embroidered costume. The wrists are ornamented with pairs of wide silver bracelets with raised designs. There may also be a choker of semiglobular gold roundels with granulations, topped with alternating red and turquoise stones and surrounded by a double border of plastic gold beads, the whole composition sewn on a band of black material. A profusion of different silver rings worn on the fingers and in the nostrils completes their adornment.
In contrast to the women, men traditionally wear sober white clothing consisting of long, very loose shirts over extremely full trousers (approximately 2.2 m wide), which fall between the legs in folds and taper only at the ankles. The headdress is a white turban with protruding ends.


Bibliography :

This article is based on personal observations. See also I. A. Firouz, “Needlework,” in J. Gluck and S. Gluck, eds., A Survey of Persian Handicraft, Tehran, 1977, pp. 256-58. Idem, “Countering the Anonymity of Daily Routine. Embroidery in Iran,” Asian Culture 34, 1983, p. 22.

 
Leave a comment

Posted by on April 6, 2011 in Baloch Culture

 

Marriage

Marriages which generally took place after puberty were performed with ceremonies which included music, dancing and distribution of food. The girl was usually a few years junior to the boy. Marriage was arranged to a closely knit family. Expenses of food prepared on either side was borne by the bridegroom. To meet the expenses and amount of labb, bride price, relatives of the bridegroom collected bijjari, subscriptions from friends and relative. Traditionally, everyone who was asked gave according to his means. Sheeps, cows, goats or camels were also presented as bijjar. Relatives of the bride also collected bijjar called giwari on the marriage evening. The general characteristics of a wedding included negotiations by parents and other relatives. All details were agreed upon and the wedding was formalized later on. Labb was fixed before hand. Sang or harbarsindi, betrothal, was the first step. The expenses, pardach, was incurred by the bridegroom. Pardach was paid in cash and kind before by the marriage date. It also included embroidered clothes and other essential articles for the bride. Sang was almost as absolute as the marriage itself. After engagement, the parents of the girl were bound to give the hand of the lady to the person to whom she was betrothed. There was no backing-out from either side save in exceptional circumstances. Only in rare cases, could the man forego his fiancée, distar.
Sahbadal or system of exchange of girls between families without stipulations paid was also prevalent. Sometimes conditions were made that a daughter born of a marriage would be given to relations of bride’s parents. However, if there was a marked difference in the ages or personal attractions of would-be-bride and bridegroom, it would then be compensated in money by either side. Betrothal in childhood among close relatives was also common.
The date of marriage was usually announced well in advance and all the relatives and friends were duly informed. In former times, the invitation for participation was sent to the entire clan which then selected the individuals for taking part in the ceremonies on their behalf. However, at a much latter stage, the invitations were sent to individuals and family heads. The persons sent for inviting the people, Lotuki, included singers and dancers who started singing and dancing before entering a village. The party would then be feasted by the village headman before their return.
A few days before the event, a kapar or a large wooden tent was built, a few yards from the home of the bridegroom. In coastal areas this temporary tent was called mangeer where more than on marriage ceremonies were performed. This was built for the occasion by the people under supervision of the village headman. All ceremonies including dancing and singing were performed there. This would also serve as a guest house for visitors from the nearby villages. Among peculiar customs, korag, was most prominent. The bridegroom was taken a few furlongs outside the settlement, as the word connotes, most probably to the riverside, in the evening, where arrangements were made for his bath and make-up. He would then mount no horseback or camel and was brought to diwanjah or mangeer amid much singing and dancing.
Another peculiar custom was that a week before the marriage, the girl was secluded from the rest of the family. Only the closest female relatives and friends could visit her. During this period she was also briefed regarding her duties and responsibilities after marriage. After sun-set the bridegroom profusely arrayed, accompanied by close friends and relatives moved to the bride’s house where proper arrangements were made. Formal wedding was performed after the guests were feasted.

 
Leave a comment

Posted by on April 1, 2011 in Baloch Culture

 

Feats

1. Mangir:

The important Baluchi traditions are mainly in connection with their ceremonies and feats. The marriage ceremony stands prominently among such festivities as it goes through different stages starting from engagement to the wedding ceremony. Public participation in the wedding ceremony is normal as in other parts of the country but with slight differences. But there is one exclusive difference in the Baluchi wedding ceremony and that is the Mangir ceremony. It seems that the ceremony is a habit acquired by the Baluchi tribes from other people such as African slaves who have been probably brought from Africa to Baluchistan. Mangir is the ceremony for the simultaneous mass marriage of several couples for various reasons, notably economic considerations. What further supports the idea is the holding of mass wedding ceremony among lower class people of the society. This would not only reduce the costs but would also economize in time as in the past wedding ceremonies used to last for seven days.

2. Sepat:

Festivities that are held in Baluchistan at the time of the birth of new babies are called Sepat. Some parts of the ceremonies are influenced by superstitious presumptions believing that both the baby and the mother are threatened by a genie called Aal as it awaits the opportunity to seize and swallow the liver of the baby and the mother. Therefore, in order to prevent such a happening the relatives of the mother and the baby stay awake for several nights and pray to God and seek His help in order to protect the mother and the baby against the genie. However, there are good and bad habits among the Baluchi tribes that demand more research works and studies. The Baluchis are known for their cultural specifications such as hospitality, faithfulness, and moral commitment as well as deep-rooted religious beliefs and attachment to their homeland.

 
Leave a comment

Posted by on April 1, 2011 in Baloch Culture

 

Cooperation

The Baluchi traditions within the two categories of cooperation and feasts:

1. Beggari or Bejaari:

This is a custom specific of the time when the Baluchi youth reaches the age of marriage but apparently his family cannot afford the marriage expenses due to their economic condition. Under such circumstances, the youth would go to his relatives and friends and would discuss with them his decision about marriage and would ask for their `Beggari’, or in other words, their contribution.

Such a tradition is so strongly respected that even the poorest member of the family cannot remain indifferent towards such a demand and feels obliged to pay a certain amount of money in cash or offer material aid. Lack of participation in such a benevolent affair will cause humiliation and disgrace for the Baluch who would be rejected in the Baluchi community. Therefore, although Beggari is a voluntary contribution, however, a social compulsion can be traced in it somehow. Even in the case of those who have no children and cannot benefit from the advantages of Beggari in future, participation in this benevolent act guarantees further social credit. As a result of this, marriage is being made more easily among Baluchis as the community is meeting the cost.

2. Hashar:

This is a custom that is applied when an individual cannot perform a task alone and needs help of the others. As working for money is not customary among Baluchis, those who need help would go to their relatives and friends and would inform them of their decision to do a special job on a specific day and for that purpose they need a certain number of work force. Under such circumstances, as many volunteers may join the collective work without being paid.

If the work is accomplished within a day, the only thing that the employer has to do is to prepare lunch and dinner for the workers by usually slaughtering a sheep for making the required food. If the work takes longer, more preparations will be made and new volunteers will substitute the previous ones. However, there would be enough volunteers to complete the work through collective cooperation, as it is not customary to give a negative response to the call for contribution.

Such a habit is mostly customary in rural areas where people are mainly engaged in agriculture where Hashar is being practiced in various stages of the work from cultivation to harvest. It is also widely practiced in building rural houses and bridges and in collecting dates. Such a habit is still practiced given its positive social effects despite the fact that working for money is gradually established among the Baluchis.

3. Bagi:

This habit was widely practiced in the past while these days it is losing importance in areas going through the trend of urbanization. In the practice of such a habit, people are used to cook extra food and would distribute it among needy people in their neighborhood. Those who were well off and could have better nutrition would carefully observe this. The positive social impact of such a tradition has removed the negative feeling of humiliation as receiving Bagi is not tantamount to receiving donations but rather is some sort of contribution among neighbors and is not limited to a specific person or a specific family. Bagi is not merely confined to foodstuffs but is performed in a wider dimension that forges greater convergence among neighbors and minimizes probable disputes. At the meantime, it helps fair distribution of limited facilities.

4. Divan:

Among Baluchi people, settlement of disputes in their everyday life is of great importance. In order to solve problems, people would gather in a place and while studying various aspects of disputes, they try to find the best possible solution in an effort to secure satisfaction of the parties involved. The place in the local dialect is called `Divan’ and is normally a house that belongs to the eldest member of the community.

Of course Divan is not merely exclusive for the settlement of disputes but is also used for exchange of information and consultations for the coordination of affairs. However, the significance of Divan at the time of the settlement of disputes lies in the fact that although decision-making at Divan is not legally valid, however, it is applicable and is rarely ignored by the parties to the dispute. The reason is that presence of the gathering at the place is to some extent the executive and moral guarantee for the parties to the dispute and if one party for any reason ignores the agreement reached at Divan, in fact it would damage its own social credibility. If Divan fails to settle the dispute, the case will be solved on the basis of the rules of the religion.

The two parties to the dispute will be brought to the clergy in the area who will judge between the two. The religious ruling will be usually issued at the mosque in order to secure a stronger guarantee for its application. But, this is not necessarily essential as the ruling can be also issue in Divan or at any other places.

The habit of Divan is being gradually forgotten in both rural and urban areas but it is still being enforced among tribal Baluchis. Laws in fact have substituted Divan and the elderly people are still settling regulations in rural and urban areas but not completely as in primary stages attempts are made to resolve the disputes through local traditions and at the Divans of the elderly.

5. Mayar:

The habit is inspired by a social reality and need for the support of the oppressed against the oppressor. When a powerful individual is oppressing a powerless person for any reason, the former can seek help from a stronger person who has enough power to defend his right. Given the undertakings that the host feels towards the person who seeks help as `Mayar’, he is free either to accept the demand or deny it.

But, as soon as he accepts, the social tradition puts the responsibility of the Mayar’s defense on the shoulder of the host. Of course, the importance of the habit becomes further evident when the person who seeks help is not guilty and whose rights have been trampled upon. However, when the person seeks help according to the tradition of Mayar, he becomes a member of the family and tribe of the host and can enjoy his support until his problem is solved.

Sometimes the situation will remain unchanged forever and the person who seeks help will remain in the new condition. Therefore, it will become part of the responsibility of the host to find a job for the person who seeks help and puts enough capital at his disposal. This will help enable the powerless people to defend themselves against the oppressors.

6. Karch-va-Kapon:

This tradition is practiced when a person for any reason kills someone else, either intentionally or unintentionally. Under such circumstances an unreasonable feeling of revenge will afflict the Baluchi tribes to the extent that no matter to what tribe the murderer belonged, if he is out of reach, a member of his family or one of his relatives can be killed in his place or, in other words, take revenge.

Under these circumstances many innocent people will become victim of such a revenge merely for belonging to a certain family or tribe. At this moment, in an effort to prevent further bloodshed, the elderly members of the family resort to the custom of `shroud and knife.’ They send the murderer together with a knife and a piece of white cloth to the family of the person who has been killed and they are free either to punish him or forgive him. However, punishment of the murderer is not a proven act from social and scientific points of view while forgiveness is the manifestation of generosity.
For this reason, the murderer will be forgiven and returned to his family. Sometimes it may happen that in order to remove all the hostilities and misunderstandings, the two families prepare marriages as a means to put aside differences. Of course, sometimes ransom would be demanded. In that case the family of the murderer or the tribe to which he belongs will pay the money. Although prosecution of the murderer falls within the authority of the law, however, there are still evidences indicating that tribal people are willing to safeguard the tradition of `shroud and knife’.

7. Patardeyag:

This habit is practiced when there is a quarrel between two or more members of a tribe. The side that is guilty of fomenting the quarrel accepts to apologize but not verbally rather through a mediator who is usually an elderly of the tribe. No matter how deep the difference, the other party usually accepts the apology, as its rejection will cause criticism of others.
Following the acceptance of the apology, the side that had fomented the quarrel will invite the other party to a dinner party through the mediator and a sheep is slaughtered on the occasion. There is no need for verbal apology and normally no word would be said about issues causing the dispute. Holding the Patardeyag ceremony implies acceptance of the apology and removal of all differences.

 
Leave a comment

Posted by on April 1, 2011 in Baloch Culture

 

Crimes and Punishments

In Baloch society an offence against the individual such as theft or robbery was a corporate against the entire tribe. Any contravention was punished according to the nature of the crime committed. But if the offence was committed outside the tribe, it was considered an offence against that tribe. The individual acts consequently would become the responsibility of the tribes concerned. His family and the entire people suffered. The opposing tribesmen could revenge the guilt in an appropriate manner, not necessarily against that particular individual but against any person belonging to the tribe of the offender.
Sentence for misdemeanor was the payment of appropriate fine or compensating the loss of property in case of theft or robbery. Sometimes robbery was also punished with death. Punishment of corporate crime was outlawry of person, that is, disowning the individual and declaring him isolated from the tribe. This was one of the major punishments and rarely awarded. In that case he was also banished from the area.
There is least evidence of awarding punishment of dore kassag, tearing to pieces by horses; pahao, hanging, which was awarded to traitors and the enemy agents. These forms of punishment nevertheless were clearly a later addition and not the original Baloch practices. Beheading was the common mode of inflicting the sentence. There is, however, no evidence of any permanent hangman or jallad among the Baloch for the purposes of executing criminals. In Kalat State, there was no permanent post of a hangman. Death sentence, however, was always awarded in public.
There is no evidence of punishment of death by drowning, throwing from rock, burning or burying alive, pouring molten lead on the criminal, starvation in the dungeons, tearing to death by red hot pincers, cutting asunder and stoning to death, or the Persian and Mughal practices of blinding and maiming. Most of these forms of punishment were prevalent in Semitic societies and sanctioned by Mosaic Law , (Jews used these forms of punishments against the conquered peoples in Palestine in the Biblical times), and later on crept into many cultures through Islam.
In case of murder the relatives of the deceased had the inalienable right to claim blood for blood; and this claim had the tribal code of conduct, the deceased family and the entire tribal strength behind it. The murderer could be forgiven only by the nearest kin. Among a few tribes blood compensation was given by the offender or his family. Relatives of the offender had to accept the punishment and were obliged to agree to the award if no settlement was reached. Extreme torture or dishonouring was against the tribal norms. Torture to low-castes involving serious crimes was sometimes perpetrated. The Baloch thought it more honourable to be beheaded than hanged. Other modes of capital punishment were insulating.
The only crime which could invoke death penalty or banishment besides treason was adultery. Sometimes mere suspicion of unfaithfulness by wife was sufficient to put her to death. The man would also get the same punishment. But among some tribes who were alleged to be inferior in caste, the adulterous woman was divorced and the adulterer was obliged to marry her. In case of adultery there was no need for the aggrieved husband to resort to any tribal council to get a decision. He himself inflicted the sentence. The unmarried women or widows get punishment from their near relatives.
A very peculiar cultural trait was that even the criminal or offender, if apprehended, would never tell a lie even in the face of instant punishment. This was against his sense of honour and pride. he was always truthful. This made torture to extract information or confession of guilt quite unnecessary.
Among the ancient Baloch, like other Aryan groups, trial by ordeal was perhaps in vogue. The culprit had to prove his innocence by walking through the fire or putting his hands on a hot rod. In Balochi folk stories there are numerous instances when the innocence of the offender had to be proved by putting his hands on the hot stones, tapag. This practice was perhaps discarded early in the Christian era.
In most cultures any child of less than ten years was usually considered incapable or guilt on the ground that he or she was too young to differentiate between right and wrong. The practice was completely reversed among the Baloch. The Baloch child had a penetrating sense regarding his enemies and friends. Old blood accounts sometimes were settled by persons of less than ten years. A Baloch child took part in battles. Therefore, the case of guilt or criminal responsibility for the minor was always judged according to circumstances and merit of the case. The members of the family of the minor would have to bear the responsibility of his guilt if the crime was provoked by them. The home of any Baloch elder was a safe refuge and place of protection for all the offenders of law till the decision of the dispute through the Jirga or med.

 
Leave a comment

Posted by on April 1, 2011 in Baloch Culture

 

Cultural Anthropology of Baluchis in Iran Summary

The Baluchis are the ancient genuine Iranians who have their exclusive and special celebrations and feats.Pir Mohammad Mulla Zehi who is an expert in the Baluchi culture has studied selected examples of such ceremonies and has classified them into two categories of cooperation and feats.

Beggari, Hashar, Bagi, Divan, Mayar, Karch-va-Kapon, Patardeyag, Mangir and Sepat are among the said ceremonies that are discussed in the following article.

Text: For a curious visitor who arrives in Baluchistan, the first interesting issue that attracts the attention most is the way Baluchis are dressed up. Baluchi people have preserved their way of clothing with a slight change.

Men wear long shirts, loose pants and a turban around their heads while women put on loose dress and pants with needle works that are special of the people of the area and is not common in other parts of the country. The upper part of the dress and sleeves are decorated with needle works, an artistic work that is specific of the clothing of the women Baluchis. They cover their hair with a scarf that is called `Sarig’ in the local dialect and wear `chador’ over it.

Baluchi women usually put on gold ornaments such as necklace and bracelet but their special jewelry is `Dorr’ or heavy earrings that are fastened to the head with gold chains so that their heavy weight will not cause the tearing of the ear. They usually wear a gold brooch called `Tasni’ that are made by local jewelers in various shapes and are used to fasten the two parts of the dress over the chest.
Apart from the dressing style of the Baluchis, there are interesting points in the way they live and in their traditions and customs that this article tries to illustrate in parts. Indigenous and local traditions and customs were of greater importance to the Baluchis in the past as apparently up to about half a century ago when the central government established its control over Baluchistan, local governments of the chieftains were imposed as the individual dictatorships. Therefore, it can be concluded that there were no formulated laws and regulations in order to regulate social behaviors. Only the rules of the religion were valid and practicable. Under such circumstances, traditions and customs in fact filled the vacuum caused by the absence of laws which were used in the regulation of many social relations and therefore enjoyed special credit among the Baluchi tribal people.

Abdolghaffar Nadim in his book `Gashin’ that is written in Baluchi language says: “The Baluchi folklore is being inspired by the Baluchi way of life and, therefore, could have addressed many needs of the tribal people who were forced to settle their disputes on the basis of their traditions and customs in the absence of a powerful central government.”

Here, it is only enough to review the Baluchi traditions within the two categories of cooperation and feasts:

A. COOPERATION

1. Beggari or Bejaari:
This is a custom specific of the time when the Baluchi youth reaches the age of marriage but apparently his family cannot afford the marriage expenses due to their economic condition. Under such circumstances, the youth would go to his relatives and friends and would discuss with them his decision about marriage and would ask for their `Beggari’, or in other words, their contribution.

Such a tradition is so strongly respected that even the poorest member of the family cannot remain indifferent towards such a demand and feels obliged to pay a certain amount of money in cash or offer material aid. Lack of participation in such a benevolent affair will cause humiliation and disgrace for the Baluch who would be rejected in the Baluchi community. Therefore, although Beggari is a voluntary contribution, however, a social compulsion can be traced in it somehow. Even in the case of those who have no children and cannot benefit from the advantages of Beggari in future, participation in this benevolent act guarantees further social credit. As a result of this, marriage is being made more easily among Baluchis as the community is meeting the cost.

2. Hashar:
This is a custom that is applied when an individual cannot perform a task alone and needs help of the others. As working for money is not customary among Baluchis, those who need help would go to their relatives and friends and would inform them of their decision to do a special job on a specific day and for that purpose they need a certain number of work force. Under such circumstances, as many volunteers may join the collective work without being paid.

If the work is accomplished within a day, the only thing that the employer has to do is to prepare lunch and dinner for the workers by usually slaughtering a sheep for making the required food. If the work takes longer, more preparations will be made and new volunteers will substitute the previous ones. However, there would be enough volunteers to complete the work through collective cooperation, as it is not customary to give a negative response to the call for contribution.

Such a habit is mostly customary in rural areas where people are mainly engaged in agriculture where Hashar is being practiced in various stages of the work from cultivation to harvest. It is also widely practiced in building rural houses and bridges and in collecting dates. Such a habit is still practiced given its positive social effects despite the fact that working for money is gradually established among the Baluchis.

3. Bagi:
This habit was widely practiced in the past while these days it is losing importance in areas going through the trend of urbanization. In the practice of such a habit, people are used to cook extra food and would distribute it among needy people in their neighborhood. Those who were well off and could have better nutrition would carefully observe this. The positive social impact of such a tradition has removed the negative feeling of humiliation as receiving Bagi is not tantamount to receiving donations but rather is some sort of contribution among neighbors and is not limited to a specific person or a specific family. Bagi is not merely confined to foodstuffs but is performed in a wider dimension that forges greater convergence among neighbors and minimizes probable disputes. At the meantime, it helps fair distribution of limited facilities.

4. Divan:
Among Baluchi people, settlement of disputes in their everyday life is of great importance. In order to solve problems, people would gather in a place and while studying various aspects of disputes, they try to find the best possible solution in an effort to secure satisfaction of the parties involved. The place in the local dialect is called `Divan’ and is normally a house that belongs to the eldest member of the community.

Of course Divan is not merely exclusive for the settlement of disputes but is also used for exchange of information and consultations for the coordination of affairs. However, the significance of Divan at the time of the settlement of disputes lies in the fact that although decision-making at Divan is not legally valid, however, it is applicable and is rarely ignored by the parties to the dispute. The reason is that presence of the gathering at the place is to some extent the executive and moral guarantee for the parties to the dispute and if one party for any reason ignores the agreement reached at Divan, in fact it would damage its own social credibility. If Divan fails to settle the dispute, the case will be solved on the basis of the rules of the religion.

The two parties to the dispute will be brought to the clergy in the area who will judge between the two. The religious ruling will be usually issued at the mosque in order to secure a stronger guarantee for its application. But, this is not necessarily essential as the ruling can be also issue in Divan or at any other places.

The habit of Divan is being gradually forgotten in both rural and urban areas but it is still being enforced among tribal Baluchis. Laws in fact have substituted Divan and the elderly people are still settling regulations in rural and urban areas but not completely as in primary stages attempts are made to resolve the disputes through local traditions and at the Divans of the elderly.

5. Mayar:
The habit is inspired by a social reality and need for the support of the oppressed against the oppressor. When a powerful individual is oppressing a powerless person for any reason, the former can seek help from a stronger person who has enough power to defend his right. Given the undertakings that the host feels towards the person who seeks help as `Mayar’, he is free either to accept the demand or deny it.

But, as soon as he accepts, the social tradition puts the responsibility of the Mayar’s defense on the shoulder of the host. Of course, the importance of the habit becomes further evident when the person who seeks help is not guilty and whose rights have been trampled upon. However, when the person seeks help according to the tradition of Mayar, he becomes a member of the family and tribe of the host and can enjoy his support until his problem is solved.

Sometimes the situation will remain unchanged forever and the person who seeks help will remain in the new condition. Therefore, it will become part of the responsibility of the host to find a job for the person who seeks help and puts enough capital at his disposal. This will help enable the powerless people to defend themselves against the oppressors.

6. Karch-va-Kapon:
This tradition is practiced when a person for any reason kills someone else, either intentionally or unintentionally. Under such circumstances an unreasonable feeling of revenge will afflict the Baluchi tribes to the extent that no matter to what tribe the murderer belonged, if he is out of reach, a member of his family or one of his relatives can be killed in his place or, in other words, take revenge.

Under these circumstances many innocent people will become victim of such a revenge merely for belonging to a certain family or tribe. At this moment, in an effort to prevent further bloodshed, the elderly members of the family resort to the custom of `shroud and knife.’ They send the murderer together with a knife and a piece of white cloth to the family of the person who has been killed and they are free either to punish him or forgive him. However, punishment of the murderer is not a proven act from social and scientific points of view while forgiveness is the manifestation of generosity.
For this reason, the murderer will be forgiven and returned to his family. Sometimes it may happen that in order to remove all the hostilities and misunderstandings, the two families prepare marriages as a means to put aside differences. Of course, sometimes ransom would be demanded. In that case the family of the murderer or the tribe to which he belongs will pay the money. Although prosecution of the murderer falls within the authority of the law, however, there are still evidences indicating that tribal people are willing to safeguard the tradition of `shroud and knife’.

7. Patardeyag:
This habit is practiced when there is a quarrel between two or more members of a tribe. The side that is guilty of fomenting the quarrel accepts to apologize but not verbally rather through a mediator who is usually an elderly of the tribe. No matter how deep the difference, the other party usually accepts the apology, as its rejection will cause criticism of others.
Following the acceptance of the apology, the side that had fomented the quarrel will invite the other party to a dinner party through the mediator and a sheep is slaughtered on the occasion. There is no need for verbal apology and normally no word would be said about issues causing the dispute. Holding the Patardeyag ceremony implies acceptance of the apology and removal of all differences.

B. FEATS

1. Mangir:
The important Baluchi traditions are mainly in connection with their ceremonies and feats. The marriage ceremony stands prominently among such festivities as it goes through different stages starting from engagement to the wedding ceremony. Public participation in the wedding ceremony is normal as in other parts of the country but with slight differences. But there is one exclusive difference in the Baluchi wedding ceremony and that is the Mangir ceremony. It seems that the ceremony is a habit acquired by the Baluchi tribes from other people such as African slaves who have been probably brought from Africa to Baluchistan. Mangir is the ceremony for the simultaneous mass marriage of several couples for various reasons, notably economic considerations. What further supports the idea is the holding of mass wedding ceremony among lower class people of the society. This would not only reduce the costs but would also economize in time as in the past wedding ceremonies used to last for seven days.

2. Sepat:
Festivities that are held in Baluchistan at the time of the birth of new babies are called Sepat. Some parts of the ceremonies are influenced by superstitious presumptions believing that both the baby and the mother are threatened by a genie called Aal as it awaits the opportunity to seize and swallow the liver of the baby and the mother. Therefore, in order to prevent such a happening the relatives of the mother and the baby stay awake for several nights and pray to God and seek His help in order to protect the mother and the baby against the genie. However, there are good and bad habits among the Baluchi tribes that demand more research works and studies. The Baluchis are known for their cultural specifications such as hospitality, faithfulness, and moral commitment as well as deep-rooted religious beliefs and attachment to their homeland.

 
1 Comment

Posted by on April 1, 2011 in Baloch Culture

 

Baloch and Baloch Culture

Baloch culture is rich, varied and deep-rooted. Balochistan held one of the earliest human settlements in the World in Mehrgarh around 7,000 – 3,000 B.C. There are plenty of evidence and artifacts concerning the richness of Balochi culture throughout centuries. Balochistan is one of the ancient inhibited land. The history goes back to around 15,000 years ago. During the last century French archaeologists discovered a new site in Balochistan at Mehergarh (Mehregan), which is believed to be the earliest civilization in the world. It pre-dates the civilizations of Egypt and Mesopotamia. The site was occupied from 7,000 B.C. to 2,000 B.C. and it is the earliest Neolithic site where “we have first evidence of domestication of animals and cereal cultivation – wheat and barely – and also the centre for craftsmanship as early as 7.000 B.C.There are many historical sites across Eastern Balochistan (politically part of Pakistan), Western Balochistan (politically part of Iran), and Northern Balochistan (politically part of Afghanistan). The Burn City in northern Balochistan is a unique archeological site and a prime proof of sophistication, engineering and planning. Evidence from these sites show a very clear deep rooted history of civilisation, craftsmanship and exploitation. Amir Tavakol Kambozia wrote that Cupper was first discovered in Balochistan. It was transported from Balochistan to present day Iraq by water-born vessels. The names Baloch and Balochistan appears in literatures as old as 2000 years ago.

The Baloch had a very successful methodology in irrigation and agriculture as well as in cultivation and husbandry. You can read a great deal in the history section. Despite the brutal political oppressions in Balochistan, the Balochi literature has emerged strong and vibrant. Baloch poetry is one of the most beautiful poetry and one of the oldest in the World. In Baloch culture poetry has always been combined with music. Balochi music and folklore has been passed from generation to generation as a valuable art. Baloch handicraft are world-renowned – be it Baloch carpets and rugs or embroidery. The Baloch are very hospitable, nice and friendly. They are generally intelligent, learned, well-informed, initiated, cultivated, socially accomplished and politically attentive. Culturally, they are rich and self-dependent. The deliberate deprivation is a political tool used by the central governments of Iran and Pakistan in order to ensure Balochistan and particularly the Baloch people are kept back-ward.

 
Leave a comment

Posted by on February 27, 2011 in Baloch Culture

 

Baloch Traditions

Birth of a child

The occasion of the birth of either a male or a female child was marked with much music and singing. The women folk attended the mother for seven nights and sang sipatt or nazink , literally meaning songs of praise. Food and sweets were prepared and distributed. The birth of a boy was greeted with greater rejoicing than the birth of a girl. Among some tribes no ceremonies were performed on the birth of a girl, while among other tribes usual ceremonies were performed from birth to death. They included birth, sasigan (selecting name on sixth day), burruk (circumcision), padgami (child’s beginning to walk) and salwar (wearing of trousers) etc.

Hal

Hal was giving and receiving news when one chanced to meet another. It was an obligation, and always reciprocal. A person must communicate the latest happenings which may include the prices of essential goods in a nearby market or some political events o a more serious nature. This helped in conveying the latest happening in remote areas. When travelling in groups, the hal was given by the elderly person of noble birth. This was called chehabar. To reveal or receive hal was a mark of distinction.

MESTAGI

Mestagi was the reward for giving good news as birth of a son, news of the arrival of a lost relative or report of a victory in the battle. It was appropriate and according to the good news conveyed.

Diwan

The Baloch had an open society with its unique charachteristic of equality and freedom, which is now deep-rooted. Every Baloch was expected to be active member of the tribe. He took part in discussion in diwan which was open to everyone, at the house of the Sardar or the elder. Sometimes there were separate place, diwanjah, for such getherings. Social, political and economic peoblems concerning the tribe were debated in these assemblies. Diwan literally means gathering or assembly. Diwan in it formal nature was to be participated in by the elders and elected personalities. In all informal get-togethers everybody felt his presence. This spirt had made the Baloch into a close knit tribal structure based on mutual benefit and loss.
The house of the leader, or diwanjah was the place where history, legends, ballads, drama, lyrics and tales of love were told and sung. Every one wished that he could exert himself and attract others by his knowledge and manners during such discussions.

 
Leave a comment

Posted by on February 27, 2011 in Baloch Culture

 

The Baloch Names and Titles

Traditionally the name of a child was chosen a few days after birth, mostly on the sixth. The child was given a name of some worthy forefather who was not alive. But at the first instance, he was given an alternate name. As the Baloch had great respect for their departed elders, they gave names to the children formally, but in the meantime alternate names were chosen because the children by those would be receiving rebukes, which was considered an insult even to those names and alway avoided.
The Baloch borrowed names from animals, trees, plants, colours and even parts of the body. Names were also derived from the name of week days.
Father’s name was sometimes added to the actual name, as Chakar-e-Saihakk (Chakar son of Saihakk) or Haibitan Murad (Haibitan son of Murad). This practice most probably has crept into Baloch culture through Arabic influences at a much later stage.

SHAHI DARBAR

When the British Government took over the area completely they exploited the occasion for their political motives. They gave it a proper shapes, in order to attract greater attention of the people of different areas. The first British agent of the Governor General and Chief Commissioner in Balochistan, Captain Sir Robert Sandeman introduced the Shahi Darbar during the year 1882 held on the occasion of the Horse and Cattle Show. They used to grant Sanads, Khil’ats and other awards in the Shahi Darbar. Contented with the settled life, most of Sardars used to express their loyalties on this occasion.
The significance of the occasion can not be denied. Now it is at times small assembly of people to come together, sit together and discuss together their problems and find out ways and means to solve them. The system was reformed with the advent of independence and the people started, hinking in different terms The name of the Shahi Darbar was, therefore, changed to the Shahi Jirga, ultimately the word of “shah” was done away with and it was named as Divisional Jirga. Its importance could be well realised from the fact that since inception of Pakistan. The Heads of the State, the Prime Minister and other dignitaries have graced the occasion by attending this function. They included Father of the Nation, Ouaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, who visited Sibi in his capacity as the first governor-general.
Now councillors’ convention is arranged on the occasion, which is attended by the government officials notables and people’s representatives. The tribal Sardars attend the Jirga in their traditional robes consisting mostly of very loose shirts. Showers and ‘Patches’ all in white, and locally made chapels.The Chief Executive of the Province gives a resume of the Governmental activities in different fields.
The Annual Sibi Week has now taken shape of more or less of a national festival. It begins with the Horse and Cattle show in which almost all domestic animals of the area. Specially horses and cattle take part. The Show plays an important part in improving economy of the people of the area; they make transactions to the tune of lakhs of rupees on this occasion. Besides Horse and Cattle Show, a number of items have been added in order to make the week more attractive.

 
Leave a comment

Posted by on February 24, 2011 in Baloch Culture

 

Language and Culture of the Baloch in Turkmenistan

By: Vyacheslav V. Moshkalo,
Dept. of Iranian Languages,
Institute of Linguistics,
Russian Academy of Sciences,

MoscowIntroduction

In the Republic of Turkmenistan a small national minority lives little known to others than a narrow circle of scientists and specialists. This national minority is the Baloch. The Baloch are a people which have a strong sense of unity, sharing a common origin, history, language, traditions and religion. The Baloch of Turkmenistan are a part of this people which was divided by the peculiar will of history mainly between three countries: Pakistan, Iran, and Afghanistan. Outside these countries there are rather small Balochi communities in India, East Africa and Oman. The Baloch are scattered over a vast territory. The Turkmenian Baloch live in the very north of this vast territory. Only Baloch in the diaspora, e.g. in Northern Europe live farther to the north.

The Baloch in Turkmenistan

     The first Baloch migrants in Russia appeared in the region of Mari in Turkistan, i.e. in the territory which nowadays belongs to the Republic of Turkmenistan. The statistical report on Turkmenistan for 1917 – 1920 mentions 936 Baloch living in the Bayram-Ali district. The Baloch of Turkmenistan mostly came from Afghanistan, from the Chakhansur district located in the province of Nimruz, in the Sistan area of Afghanistan. Apart from them there were also a small group of Baloch who migrated to Turkistan from Iran (from Khurasan). In these migrations there were also some Brahuis who came together with the Baloch.[1]

     In the 1920s separate groups of the Baloch belonging to different Balochi tribes were united by Kerim Khan. This Baloch chief was an extraordinary personality. He was a poor shepherd from the beginning but managed to make a career and to become a famous, even legendary chief of the Baloch in Turkmenistan. The Baloch of Turkmenistan, united under his power, at the beginning supported the Soviet power and being very brave warriors, they helped the Soviet authorities in their struggle against the Basmachis (counterrevolutionary movement in Turkistan, which lasted actively from 1920 till the mid-30s). At the end of the 20s, because of disagreement with the Soviet authorities, Kerim Khan together with the majority of his people left Turkmenistan for Iran or Afghanistan. Nobody knows where he went. I tried to find it out during my trips to Turkmenistan, but in vain. Kerim Khan’s traces should be looked for outside Turkmenistan, either in Iran or in Afghanistan. It would be very interesting to find out what happened to him and his people afterwards.

     At the present time the Baloch of Turkmenistan live mainly in the districts of Bayram-Ali and Iolotan of the region of Mari (Mariyskiy velayat). According to the data of the 1959 census in the USSR, 7 800 Baloch lived in the Soviet Socialist Republic of Turkmenistan, in the valley of the Murghab river, in the districts of Bayram-Ali, Turkmen-Kala and Iolotan, and 94,9 % of them considered Balochi to be their mother tongue. In the 1970 census there were 12 600 Baloch in Turkmenistan, and 91,8 % regarded Balochi as their native language. In the 1979 census there were 18 997 Baloch in Turkmenistan, and 18 633 persons (98,1 %) stated that Balochi was their native language. There are in 1997 probably approximately 38 000 – 40 000 Baloch in Turkmenistan, although some give a higher estimation of around 50 000 or even more. The very strong loyalty among the Baloch to their mother tongue is quite remarkable, and can at least to a certain degree be explained by their rural way of life. A thorough investigation of the socio-economic conditions under which this strong retention of the Balochi language has been possible would be very interesting to carry out.

     The Turkmenian Baloch believe themselves to be a part of the big ethnos. For a long time, however, they were separated from the other Baloch by the “Iron Curtain”, and had practically no contacts with the Baloch of the other countries. In 1934 the Soviet border with Iran and Afghanistan was closed and this event became a source of many personal tragedies and disasters. It was unexpected, and those who were in Iran or Afghanistan making their earnings or visiting relatives could not return to their families. Thus, parents were separated from children, brothers from sisters etc. It was impossible for them to unite again. The only reason for that was the “Iron Curtain” along all the Soviet borders. It was only at the end of the 1980s, with the beginning of Gorbachov’s perestroika and after the disintegration of the USSR that many Turkmenian Baloch got the opportunity to visit Iran and Afghanistan in order to find their lost relatives and reunite with them after long years of separation.

     The history of the Baloch is the history of constant migrations over vast territories. However, the lack of a written literary tradition and written sources makes it difficult to study, not the legendary, but the real history of the Baloch. The Baloch never had an independent state of their own in the proper sense of the word. The Kalat State could not be considered a truly independent Baloch state. In spite of the fact that the Kalat State united many Baloch tribes, it did not exist long and it could not play a prominent part for the Baloch culture nor for the establishment of a tradition of writing in the Balochi language.

     From a political point of view, throughout history the Baloch were generally subdued by the power of stronger and better organized conquerors, and as usual, they did not pay attention to the Balochi language and culture. Anyway, in spite of all the complications and peculiarities in the destiny of the Baloch, they have managed not only to create an enchanting, rich and original culture, but also from many points of view very interesting and unique literary specimens. To my profound regret, these have not up till now been described or studied to the extent that they deserve to be. The masterpieces of the Balochi literature have not to any large extent been translated into the main world languages.

     From this point of view the Turkmenian Baloch are not an exception. They are even in a worse position in comparison with the others. Not very much has been done to study their language and culture, even though some studies on the Balochi language and Balochi culture were made in Moscow and Leningrad (present-day St. Petersburg) during the Soviet period. When it comes to the oral literature of the Turkmenian Baloch, for example, I. I. Zarubin collected and published a number of folk tales with translations into Russian.[2] It is, however, striking enough that in the twentieth century not a single book or monograph has been published in Turkmenistan about the Baloch.

     It should be said that the disintegration of the USSR has brought for the Baloch of Turkmenistan more losses and disillusions than joys and achievements, especially in such fields as education, culture and science. Moscow was always for the Turkmenian Baloch the force which helped them to stand against the domination of the Turkmens, and in spite of all the difficulties, they had some opportunities for education (there were special quotas in different institutes for the Baloch students) and cultural progress. After the disintegration of the USSR, Moscow ceased to be the centre for Turkmenistan, and nowadays the Turkmen central government does little for the national minorities living there.[3]

Attempts at developing the Balochi language in Turkmenistan

The first alphabet used by the Turkmenian Baloch was based on the Roman script. An attempt to turn Balochi into a written language was made in the 1930s. A few books and a newspaper in Roman script were published in Mari and Ashkhabad. There was a mother tongue education programme for the Turkmenian Baloch. But after switching to Cyrillic script for minor languages of Turkistan, due to lack of special national policy towards the minorities, financial problems and the switch of education at all levels to Russian and Turkmen etc., Balochi was not further developed as a written language. During my trips to Turkmenistan I met several old men who could still use that Balochi Roman script of the 30s.

     Fifty years later, at the end of the 1980s, an enthusiast for his mother tongue, a modest school teacher named Mammad Sherdil, together with his friends worked out an alphabet for Balochi based upon Cyrillic script. They managed to publish several text books in Balochi for primary schools and obtain the permission from the authorities to start an experiment with mother tongue education in one or two schools. Besides that, Mammad Sherdil and Saidquli Mammadnur initiated the publishing of one full page in Balochi twice a week in the Turkmenian newspaper of the district called Taze durmush (New Life).[4]

     These attempts coincide with the period of “perestroika” and disintegration of the USSR. An independent Republic of Turkmenistan has since then appeared on the political scene. Thereby a new life began also for the Turkmenian Baloch. But this new life is characterized by neglect of the Baloch and their cultural life. It should be mentioned that the Baloch in Turkmenistan never have had any political, social, or even cultural organizations which could defend their rights and draw the attention of the authorities to their needs.

     It seems that the Turkmenian Baloch are in great need of help from international organizations and cooperation with Balochi scientific and cultural organizations in other countries. Nowadays, as far as I know, there are no relations either on state level or on the level of organizations. I know only of one incident in the past when there was an attempt at establishing relations between the Turkmenian Baloch and the Baloch of Pakistan. In the mid 1980s the Union of the Soviet Societies for Friendship and Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries invited the Balochistan Provincial Assembly speaker Mīr Muhammad Akram Baloch to Moscow. The USSR – Pakistan Friendship Society organized a trip to Turkmenistan for him. In Ashkhabad he met Baloch students and took part in one of their traditional gatherings. In addition, he visited the town of Tejen, where only few Baloch families live nowadays. He was, however, unable to visit the Mari region where practically all the Turkmenian Baloch are concentrated. After that there were no contacts on such a high level. Mīr Muhammad Akram Baloch’s notes about this trip were published in one of Māhtāk baločī‘s editions.[5]

 

Notes on the Balochi dialect spoken in Turkmenistan

 

The Baloch of Turkmenistan speak a dialect of the Balochi language which is very close to the dialect of the Afghan Balochi. The dialect of the Turkmenian Baloch belongs to the Western Group of Balochi dialects, to the Rakhshānī dialects. The dialect of the Turkmenian Baloch possesses a number of phonetical and grammatical characteristics, which are specific to this dialect. Professor Ivan I. Zarubin was the first scientist who paid attention to these characteristics. Zarubin was a pioneer of Balochi studies in Russia. In Turkmenistan he selected a group of young talented people and took them to Petersburg to be educated there.

     There are no aspirated plosives at all in this dialect. There are no fricatives /θ/ and /δ/ either. The fricatives /f/, /γ/ and /x/ are to be found only in late loanwords. The pharyngeal fricative /h/ is never pronounced, e.g. Asan (Hasan).

     The indicative mood of the verb in Balochi has got a rich system of tense forms which are united by a common modal meaning (i.e. a real action in the present, past or future), and are opposed to each other on the one hand by aspect and temporal meaning and on the other hand by person and singular/plural forms. The number of these tense forms are different in the different dialects of Balochi. The simplest system of the tenses (with less number of innovated forms) is presented in the dialect of the Baloch of Turkmenistan. There are only five tense forms to be found in this dialect:

1) Present-future tense (man kār-a kanīn ‘I work’, man-a raīn ‘I go’)

2) Preterite (simple past) (man kār kurtun ‘I worked’, man šutun ‘I went’)

3) Past continuous (man kār-a kurtun ‘I was working’, man-a šutun ‘I was going’)

4) Present perfect (man kār kurtá un ‘I have worked’, man šutá un ‘I have gone’)

5) Past perfect (man kār kurt-átun ‘I had worked’, man šut-átun ‘I had gone’)

There is another indicative tense system in most other Balochi dialects, where there are no preterite versus past continuous forms. On the other hand continuous forms are formed with auxiliary verbs, e.g. man rawagā-y-un ‘I am going’ and man rawagā-y-atun ‘I was going’ (Rakhshānī Balochi).[6] However, also in the dialect of Zahidan, Iran, this preterite – past continuous distinction is retained.[7]

     Temporal meaning of the verbal forms is closely connected with aspect, or manner, of the verbal action. In general, judging by the material I have studied, the tendency to further distinctions of aspectual and temporal relation in the indicative is very characteristic to Balochi dialects, especially by means of new descriptive forms such as the present continuous and past continuous tense forms in Rakhshānī dialects. This process has progressed more in Rakhshānī than in any other Balochi dialect group. This may be one of the reasons why Rakhshānī is of increasing importance as a literary vehicle nowadays and why it also potentially could develop into a standard literary language of the Baloch in the future.

     The great importance of a standard literary language cannot be underestimated for the Baloch. The need of a universally accepted standard to be employed by all Baloch is urgently felt. The Baloch intelligentsia, intellectuals and literary men are indeed concentrating more and more effort on this important problem.

     In the dialect of the Turkmenian Baloch there is a special inclusive pronoun māšmā ‘we and you’.[8] It is declined in the following way:

Nominative:                 māšmā

Genitive:                      māšmay

Accusative/dative:       māšmārā

 

A three case system governs the declension of nouns and pronouns in this dialect. The oblique case which is usual for the agent in the ergative construction is not used in the Turkmenian Balochi dialect, because there is no ergative construction left there. Past transitive verbs are constructed actively: man trā dīstun ‘I saw you’, brās-ī sarā čandent ‘his brother nodded his head’, murād watī kitābā pa ammā wānt-ī ‘Murad read his book to us’, dušman āī dast-u-pādānā baštant ‘the enemies tied his hands and feet’ etc.

     The ergative construction has been eliminated from the dialect, but there are still traces of it. The enclitic pronoun (or suffixed pronoun) of the 3rd person singular -¬ is very often used with transitive (and even sometimes with intransitive) verbs: gušt-ī  ‘he/she said’, kurt-ī ‘he/she did’ šut-ī ‘he/she went’, jist-ī ‘he/she ran away’, zarbīk hamā dawle ki mās-ī gušt kurt-ī ‘Zarbik did the way her mother told her’ etc. It should be pointed out that enclitic (suffixed) pronouns are not commonly used in the dialect of Turkmenian Balochi as in most Balochi dialects. (Cf. Persian where they are very common.)

     The vocabulary of the Turkmenian Balochi dialect has not been studied properly up till now. But it is indisputable that the main Balochi lexicon is of Iranian origin, as in all Balochi dialects. Certainly there are a large number of loanwords. The largest number of loanwords definitely come from Persian and Arabic (through Persian). The Baloch of Turkmenistan also borrowed some words form Russian and Turkmen during the Soviet period of their history. It is difficult to estimate the number of loanwords, because up till now there is no comprehensive Balochi dictionary. However, based on Zarubin’s collection of Balochi folk tales, Josef Elfenbein compiled A Vocabulary of Marw Baluchi, where he also gives etymological information for most of the entries.

 

 


[1] See also Axenov’s article in the present volume.

[2] Zarubin, Beludžkie skazki, I-II, see bibliography.

[3] Apart from the Baloch there are e.g. about 100 000 Kurds in Turkmenistan.

[4] See Axenov’s article in the present volume for more details.

[5] Note also that there are several articles on the Baloch in Turkmenistan in the May 1957 issue of Māhtāk baločī.

[6] For a thorough description of the tense forms occurring in a variety of Rakhshānī spoken in Pakistan, see Barker-Mengal, vol. I.

[7] Information obtained from Carina Jahani.

[8] Also found in other Northern Rakhshānī dialects.

 
Leave a comment

Posted by on February 13, 2011 in Baloch Culture

 

Baloch and Balochi

What is the adjective of “Baloch” in English? Our country is called Balochistan, that point is clear. We live in Balochistan. We speak Balochi, we have several Balochi dialects, we weave Balochi carpets, we ride Balochi camels, we (hopefully!) give Balochi names to our children. We read Balochi poetry which is published at the Balochi Academy.

However, I have also noticed that often “Baloch” is used as the adjective:

  • Baloch cultural tradition
  • Baloch Students’ Organisation
  • Baloch authors
  • Baloch ethnicity
  • Baloch nationalism
  • Baloch National Movement
  • Baloch men
  • Baloch ethnic group
  • Baloch people

And what about the noun? Am I a Baloch or Balochi? Are my parents Baloch, Balochs, Balochis or Baloches?

Baloch: Baloch is generally known as a noun. The native people who live in Balochistan are called Baloch. Generally Baloch people speak Balochi, but even if native people can’t speak Balochi, they are still called Baloch. They can migrate and live in other parts of the world. They can still refer to themselves as Baloch. So, I believe that it is now accepted that “Baloch” is noun in this context.

Mistakenly, some non-Baloch scholars use the word “Balochi”, instead of “Baloch” when referring to people of Balochistan. For instance, they may say: “Baaraan is Balochi”. It is wrong. “Baaraan is a Baloch” is the right expression. One my say that “Baaraan is a Balochi name”, which is a correct phrase to say.

So, I am a Baloch, not Balochi (likewise, Hazhaar is a Kurd. Hazhaar is a Kurdish name. But saying “Hazhaar is a Kurdish” is a rather an inaccurate expression).

On many occasion, it is rather use a “the” before Baloch, when we refer to people of Balochistan (in national adjective usage). For instance, national adjectives ending in “ch” or “sh” e.g. the Dutch, the Spanish, the Welsh (see The Oxford Library of English Usage, Chapter I, 1990. Similarly we can say “the Baloch” etc.

Other parallel examples:

Javier is a Spaniard. He speaks Spanish. He eats Spanish food. He is a Spanish person. (But although one may say that “He is a Spanish”, the more accurate way is to say it is “Javier is a Spaniard”, instead of “Javier is a Spanish. The same applies for Scot (native Scottish person from Scotland) etc.

Please remember that there is not a universal rule about this issue. e.g. ” Shah Latif was a Sindi (Sindhi). He spoke Sindi (Sindhi) and he was from Sind (Sindh). As you see in this case the word “Sindi” is used both as the noun for naming people from Sind and the language.

As for Plural version of the word “Baloch”, there is no universal accepted form. Some people use “Balochs”, other use “Baloches”. Increasing number of people use “Baloch” as both singular and plural. In my view, using “Baloch” as both singular and plural is somehow a better way to use it. A parallel in English language is the word “Dutch” (people and language of Holland). When referring to people from Holland, they are called “Dutch”, whether one or many people. I have never seen expressions such as “Dutchs” or “Dutches”. I think it looks nicer in a sentence to use “Baloch” as both singular and plural form. One can understand from the sentence, whether we talk about one person or many. It is a personal preference, but words “Balochs” or “Baloches” do not appeal to me. I rather use “Baloch” only. (Some people may write it as “Baluch”, “Balouch” etc. Again “Baluchs/Baluches” or “Balouchs/Balouches” do not sound “attractive”.

Balochi: Anything related to the Baloch (people from Balochistan) can be described as Balochi. It can have genitive form or simply used as an adjective.

Languge of the Baloch is called Balochi. Not only, we the Baloch, call it “Balochi”, but every other non-Baloch person also called it “Balochi”. At least, there is unanimous acceptance about this issue. There are still variations in spelling “Balochi” such as “Baluchi” and “Balouchi”. But it is not a big deal.

“Balochi” is mainly used as an adjective e.g. “Balochi dress”, “Balochi book”, “Balochi dance”, etc. “Baloch” cannot be used in the same context. It is, however, to be noticed when one refers directly to people, i.e. the Baloch, it is rather use “Baloch” not “Balochi” in any compound nouns. e.g.

Baloch Students’ Federation (not Balochi Students’ Federation) as it refers to Baloch people (in this case, students). Also “Baloch women” but NOT Balochi women (again Baloch refers to people, women) etc.

In the meantime, there is a need for a flexible approach towards this issue, as there is no standard/universal rule especially with regards to “Baloch”, “Balochi” etc. The same applies to Balochi orthography (both in Persian/Urdu and Latin/English alphabets). At this stage, there is no excuse for exclusion of any approach, style and preferences. As for various dialects of Balochi language, there is an even greater need for flexibility.

 
Leave a comment

Posted by on January 4, 2011 in Baloch Culture

 
 
%d bloggers like this: